Search Results

You are looking at 11 - 20 of 34 items for :

  • "PUBLIC OPINION" x
Clear All
Restricted access

Christopher J. Anderson and Frank Brettschneider

Although the German constitution does not provide for the direct

election of the head of the executive branch by the people, the preeminent

position of the federal chancellor has long tempted commentators

to describe the German political system as a “chancellor

democracy.”1 Based on this characterization, one might be tempted

to assume that the German election of 2002 was therefore about

electing a chancellor. To be sure, if voters could have voted for the

chancellor directly in 2002, Gerhard Schröder would have easily

defeated Edmund Stoiber. Yet, despite public opinion polls that never

once showed the challenger outpolling the chancellor throughout the

entire election year, the election turned out to be a cliffhanger.

Restricted access

Murad Idris, David Albert, Yitzhak Dahan, Nancy E. Berg and Barbara U. Meyer

Jacob Shamir and Khalil Shikaki, Palestinian and Israeli Public Opinion: The Public Imperative in the Second Intifada Review by Murad Idris

Eytan Gilboa and Efraim Inbar, eds., US-Israeli Relations in a New Era: Issues and Challenges after 9/11 Review by David Albert

Uri Cohen and Nissim Leon, The Herut Movement’s Central Committee and the Mizrahim, 1965–1977: From Patronizing Partnership to Competitive Partnership Review by Yitzhak Dahan

Sharon Aronson-Lehavi, ed., Wanderers and Other Israeli Plays Review by Nancy E. Berg

Shalom Goldman, Zeal for Zion: Christians, Jews, and the Idea of the Promised Land Review by Barbara U. Meyer

Restricted access

Marc Morjé Howard

This article puts the 1999 German Nationality Act into a comparative European perspective. By applying a common measure of the relative restrictiveness or inclusiveness of a country's citizenship policy to the countries of the EU-15 at two different time periods, it provides an analysis of change both within and across countries. From this perspective, Germany has clearly moved "up" from having the single most restrictive law before the 1999 reform to a more moderate policy today. Yet Germany's major "liberalizing change" was also tempered by a significant "restrictive backlash." The German case therefore provides support for a broader theoretical argument about the potential for mobilized anti-immigrant public opinion to nullify the liberalization that often occurs within the realm of elite politics.

Restricted access

Alberto Clò

In 2006, the energy question—and in particular the natural gas emergency

that will be discussed here—was brought to the attention of

public opinion, of political and economic debate, and of the electoral

contest. First, it needs to be made clear that on both sides, and within

the two coalitions, demagoguery prevailed over pragmatism. Similarly,

the propensity to demonize the proposals of opponents tended

to hold sway over attempts to contribute constructively to the discussion.

Thus, a game of mutual vetoes and false propositions took place,

characterized by erroneous diagnoses aimed solely at avoiding the

electoral costs that the required choices would have imposed. This

had the inevitable result of confusing public opinion, which should

be aware of the issue, and feeding the general “right of veto,” which,

since before the reform of Title V of the Constitution, has allowed

anyone to prevent others from doing anything—with the result that

nothing happens.

Restricted access

Kenneth Margerison

The French monarchy's determination to suspend the trading rights of the Compagnie des Indes in 1769 stimulated a lively public debate over the establishment of commercial liberty in the Indies trade. Since mid-century, Vincent de Gournay and his disciples had advocated increased liberty in French commerce, and the Compagnie des Indes' privileged trading monopoly offered a tempting target for these reformers. Working on behalf of the ministry, the abbé Morellet undertook the task of convincing public opinion of the benefits that liberty of commerce in the Indies trade would bring to France. However, the company's principal banker Jacques Necker and physiocrat Pierre-Samuel Dupont raised serious doubts concerning both the feasibility and the value of such reform. These critiques challenged any expectation that commercial liberty would increase French strength in the Indies trade or contest British political hegemony in India after the Seven Years' War.

Restricted access

Sophie Body-Gendrot

In what follows, we look at American opinion on France over 30 years’ time, as conveyed by several opinion polls. Granted that public opinion is an artefact, there are nonetheless phenomena that can only be grasped by quantitative studies that reflect the respondents’ modes of thought, values, beliefs, patterns of representation and attitudes, as elicited by a question posed at a specific time.1 Moreover, by looking at a number of subgroups we can avoid the implication that “(all) Americans think X or Y about France.” Furthermore, the evolution of the answers to similar questions can be as informative as the answers themselves, since it teaches us about changes or continuities in American society’s attitudes.

Restricted access

What Do the French Think of Us?

The Deteriorating Image of the United States, 2000-2004

Richard Kuisel

What do the French think of Americans and the United States? This is a grand question whose answer reveals a crucial dimension of the current tension in Franco-American relations. It is also a question that can be answered reasonably well. Transatlantic troubles have stirred interest in ascertaining the state of public opinion. The result is an extraordinary number of comprehensive surveys conducted over the last five years. The US Department of State, for example, has systematically monitored French attitudes. So have many French and American polling agencies like SOFRES, CSA, and the Pew Center. Foundations like the French-American Foundation and the German Marshall Fund of the US have also sponsored research. Between fifteen and twenty thousand Frenchmen and women have recorded their opinion in such surveys. This evidence provides a unique opportunity for research into how the man- or woman-in-the-street views the United States.

Free access

Robert Rohrschneider and Michael R. Wolf

During the summer of campaign year 2002, the election already

seemed lost for the SPD/Green government. Public opinion polls

saw the governing coalition trailing by several percentage points,

whereas the CDU/CSU, together with the FDP, looked like the sure

winner. A central reason for the malaise of the red-green government

was the ailing economy. Unemployment rates hovered at the 4

million mark and would have been even higher if governmentfunded

jobs had been added to the official unemployment rates.

Consequently, a substantial majority of citizens considered the creation

of jobs Germany’s most important problem.1 This constituted

an especially severe burden for Chancellor Schröder. In 1998 he had

promised to push unemployment rates below 3.5 million or, he

stated, he did not deserve re-election. Thus, many observers and

voters expected the September 2002 election to be a referendum on

the governments’ handling of the economy. Since the chancellor had

not delivered, voters were about to vote the incumbent government

out of office.

Restricted access

Christopher Young

1972 saw the coming to fruition of two events of major importance to the Federal Republic of Germany under Willy Brandt's leadership: the normalization of relations with the Soviet Union and its satellites through the process of Ostpolitik, and the Munich Olympic Games, which were designed to present a new Germany on the world stage. Although recent scholarship has highlighted the intricacies of East-West diplomacy and the political machinations of Cold-War sports relations, there have been few attempts to investigate the latter's role in the former. This essay seeks to investigate sport in the context of politics, and more vitally vice versa. Focusing on events in the immediate run-up to the Four Powers Treaty on West Berlin in 1971, it shows how sport's appeal to broad sectors of public opinion in Eastern and Western Europe made it a prime candidate for the cultural warfare that accompanied political negotiations.

Restricted access

'The Bray of the Gramophones and the Voices of the Poets'

Art and Political Crises in Between the Acts

Jane de Gay

In ‘Why Art Follows Politics’, published in The Daily Worker in 1936, Virginia Woolf remarked on a change in the conditions for creativity in the late 1930s. She wrote that the artist’s studio was now ‘far from being a cloistered spot where he can contemplate his model or his apple in peace’, for it was ‘besieged by voices, all disturbing, some for one reason, some for another.’ She characterised the developing political crisis in terms of auditory disturbance or interruption, including the noises of radio news; the voices of dictators addressing the public by megaphone in the streets, and public opinion, which, Woolf wrote, called for artists to prove their social and political usefulness. In extreme political systems, artists were forced to compromise and use their work for political purposes – to ‘celebrate fascism; celebrate communism’ – in order to be allowed to practise at all.