Almost fifty years have passed since Texaco proclaimed its “glorious gamble” to extract oil from the Amazon. And while more than two decades have elapsed since the drilling finally ceased, at least four generations (referred to here as “Generations 10W40,” by the author) have suffered many deleterious effects, resulting from countless acts of irresponsible, pollution-generating corporate/governmental behavior. Lawsuits have abounded in both the United States and Ecuador over this calamity, and attorneys continue to fight over which accused party is most culpable—Texaco (now Chevron Texaco), Petro Ecuador and/or the Ecuadorian government. Regardless of who is most responsible, however, the fact remains that innocent people continue to be victimized. Another undeniable fact is the long history of Chevron Texaco’s expensive, forceful and unrelenting publicity campaign to win popular support outside the courtroom through propagandistic mass media appeals. This essay analyzes this long-term “crusade” within a framework of seven specific devices—name-calling, bandwagon, glittering generalities, transfer, testimonial, plain folks and card stacking—applied to the company’s corporate communication strategy, and occurring throughout its preliminary oil exploration, the oil drilling years and the toxic aftermath of the venture.
Ill-Fated Beneficiaries of Texaco's "Glorious Gamble"
Marilyn J. Matelski
*The full text version of this article is in French
Historians generally consider resistance in Europe as a national phenomenon. This vision is certainly accurate, but forgets one important datum: the Allies have played a decisive part in European resistance, by recognizing (or not) governments in exile, by authorizing (or not) the free access to the BBC, and by using their secret services (mainly the Special Operations Executive, SOE, and the Office of Strategic Services, OSS). This article tries to show how this action has shaped resistance in Western Europe, and given to the Anglo-Americans a leading part in clandestine action—even if national powers, in one way or another, have resisted this hegemony.
La résistance en Europe a le plus souvent été considérée comme un combat national, tant par les hommes et les femmes qui y ont participé que par les historiens qui ont, par la suite, tenté de l’analyser. Sans contester ce schéma, il convient sans doute de l’enrichir, en admettant que l’intervention des Britanniques, puis des Américains, a contribué à européaniser la résistance. En la pliant à un modèle organisationnel unique tout d’abord ; en imposant des structures de commandement et une stratégie identiques ensuite ; en légitimant les pouvoirs en exil enfin. Ces interventions ont au total amené à une homogénéisation de l’armée des ombres sur le Vieux Continent, sans que les résistances nationales n’aliènent, pour autant, leur identité propre.
Educational Films, National Identity and Citizenship in Italy from 1948 to 1968
of work reveals the methodological double disentanglement between education, information, and propaganda. This article analyzes the argumentation, rhetorical devices, and “audiovisual” master narratives of postwar Italian information policy and early
Demographic Decline and the Public Response in the Late Soviet Period
care propaganda of all types and in an environment of increasing material comfort for Soviet citizens (see figure 1 ). Yet even as a new era of plenty emerged for Soviet citizens, disquiet over Soviet performance as an economic, military, and
The Use of Filmic Techniques in Colonial Revisionism in the 1920s
Translator : Katherine Ebisch-Burton
became a limited company and even survived the Second World War. 8 One of the works the institute produced was the propaganda film Die Weltgeschichte als Kolonialgeschichte , which received approval allowing it to be shown to young audiences in May of
The Free City of Danzig and the Sovereignty Question
Elizabeth M. Clark
to issue publications for consumption by the general public, on Danzig territory itself. The c.a. 1927 pamphlet Wer Kennt Danzig ?/ How to see Danzig , published by Werner-Rades Hessenlanddruck Stettin, functioned as both propaganda and tourist
present day. 3 The avalanche of ruin photography in the archives, albums, publications, and propaganda of World War I France challenges us to understand what functions such images fulfilled beyond their use as visual records. Did wartime images of
A Movie Ban and the Dilemmas of 1920s German Propaganda against French Colonial Troops
In the early 1920s, Germany orchestrated an international propaganda campaign against colonial French troops stationed in the Rhineland that used the racist epithet “black horror on the Rhine,” and focused on claims of widespread sexual violence against innocent Rhenish maidens by African French soldiers, in order to discredit the Versailles Treaty. I argue that black horror propaganda fused elements of Allied propaganda—especially images of the barbaric “Hun”—with Germany's own wartime propaganda against colonial Allied troops. I use the significant film against colonial soldiers, Die schwarze Schmach (The Black Shame, 1921), to highlight the tensions and pitfalls of the German propagandistic strategy. As the debates over the film illustrate, black horror propaganda often had the effect of reminding audiences of German war crimes rather than diverting attention away from them. The ultimate ban of Die schwarze Schmach demonstrates the complex political nature of the 1920s backlash against atrocity propaganda.
Boycott, Scandals, and the Fight for Peace
, that is, having fallen for Soviet propaganda, others think “Sartre wasn’t as naïve as to believe that he … could speak in his own name.” 19 Either way, Sartre tells Le Monde , non-Communist participants automatically figure as “suckers or accomplices
Female Images in Soviet Wartime Poster Propaganda, 1941–1945
During the Second World War, legions of Soviet women behind the lines participated in war-time production in both industry and agriculture. Soviet propaganda, despite the overwhelming numbers, contributions and sacrifices of women, graphically portrayed them in ways that both re-established the pre-war patriarchal gender relations of the Stalinist era and circumscribed women’s wartime experiences. This article examines how, during the initial and la er years of the conflict, and in the important and under- studied source of Soviet poster propaganda, the symbolic configuration and recon- figuration of femininity and the female image was transmitted through shifting official policies and attitudes on the role of women. While early posters portrayed women’s wartime participation as atypical, temporary and unwomanly, propaganda by the end of the war featured hyper-feminised representations of women while the Soviet state moved to reassert political controls and institutionalise conservative gender policies to serve the needs of war and reconstruction.