During the First World War Austrian rabbis played a major role in constructing a meaningful justification for the war that enabled both soldiers and those on the home front to endure the bloody conflict. Because Austria's main enemy in the first two years of the war was Russia, the 'evil empire' that persecuted its Jews, Austrian Jews, and rabbis in particular, saw the war as a just and holy war to liberate the Jews of Austrian Galicia, occupied by the Russian army at the beginning of the war, and also those of Russia itself. The war thus was a war of revenge for Kishinev; that is, for the pogroms in Russia. Such a definition of the war meant that Jews could fight both as loyal, patriotic citizens of Austria and also for a specific Jewish cause at the same time. In their sermons and writings, rabbis cogently expressed this wartime ideology, which persisted even after the Central Powers defeated Russia. Then rabbis, indeed Jewish spokesmen in general, understood the war in terms of guaranteeing the survival of the Habsburg Monarchy which protected the Jews from anti-Semitism and the dangers of nationalism.
Austrian Rabbis Justify the First World War
Marsha L. Rozenblit
One characteristic of ‘the new wars’ is that they are often about identity politics, i.e., the quest for power is couched in terms of exclusion and inclusion of people in various groups. But although wars and violence can be explained with reference to ethnicity, i.e., cultural factors, it must also be taken as a language with which other things—economic, material, and political—are being addressed. First, ethnicity is a relational concept that explains such relationships as ethnic. But although it is imagined, it is real in terms of mobilizing individual people on the bases of a history of common origin that people take to be true. Secondly, ethnicities are not remnants of the past but entities continuously being re-created and shaped within contemporary realities. Hence, colonialism helped pin down relationships, and thereby make them basis for continuous new elaborations about identities, and also ordering them in new systems of hierarchy, creating new elites based on ethnic belonging that play key roles in today’s developments. Thirdly, we should also note that in socalled ethnic wars, civilians are targeted because the aim is to clear areas of people who do not ‘belong.’ We see this clearing of areas used as a strategy, for instance, in order to control key strategic resources. And as the war economy is no longer controlled by a state alone, but rather is decentralized and based on exploiting specific resources through outright plunder, black market trade, and external support, even enemies are not what they used to be.
Religion has long stood at the center of debates on the environmental crisis of late modernity. Some have portrayed it as a malade imaginaire, providing divine legitimation for human domination and predatory exploitation of natural resources; others have looked up to it as an inspirational force that is the essential condition of planetary revival. There is an ongoing battle of the books on the salience of religion in the modern world. Some trendy volumes declare that God Is Back (Micklethwait and Wooldridge 2009). Others advert to The End of Faith (Harris 2004, harp the theme of The God Delusion (Dawkins 2006), or claim that God Is Not Great (Hitchens 2007). Both sides provide ample evidence to support their adversarial claims. In much of Canada and Western Europe, where religious establishments have courted or colluded with the state, religion has come to be viewed as the enemy of liberty and modernity. Not so in the United States, where the Jeffersonian separation of religion from politics forced religious leaders to compete for the souls of the faithful—and thus to make Christianity more reconcilable with the agenda of modernity,
individualism and capitalist enterprise.
British Travellers in Serbia during the First World War
In the autumn of 1851, Edward Lear set off from a temporary residence in Istanbul for a painting tour of Ottoman-held Albania and Macedonia, armed with a sheaf of travel permits and letters of introduction to Ottoman governors. The precautionary letters were essential, for despite his dedicated pursuit of the picturesque Lear understood Albania to be not just ‘a puzzle of the highest order’ but a place of ‘savage oddity’ renowned ‘for the ferocity of the aborigines’ (Lear 1988: 11, 51, 31). His worst fears seem realised as soon as his boat lands at Thessaloniki. ‘Instantly the wildest confusion seized all’, he writes, as a crowd of porters fight over his luggage with ‘the most furious hair-pulling, turbanclenching, and robe-tearing’, only desisting when government troops give them a ‘severe beating [with] sticks and whips’ (1988: 20). The images of chaos and violence mount as Lear travels from the coast into Albanian regions, where the imputedly wretched towns, infested lodgings, thievery and hostility test the patience of this most good-natured of Englishmen. Indeed, at one point, when his attempts to sketch the indigenes result in his being pelted with ‘unceasing showers of stones, sticks, and mud’, he goes so far as to consider them his ‘enemies’ (1988: 47). The landscape may have delighted the artist, and driven him onward in his journey, but he is filled with dread at the thought of actually inhabiting this ‘strange and fearful’ region (1988: 145).
Rebecca Pates and Maximilian Schochow, ed., Der “Ossi:” Mikropolitische Studien über einen symbolischen Ausländer (Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2013)
Reviewed by René Wolfsteller
Lisa Pine, Education in Nazi Germany (Oxford; New York: Berg, 2010)
Reviewed by Gregory Baldi
Stephen J. Silvia, Holding the Shop Together: German Industrial Relations in the Postwar Era (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013)
Reviewed by Volker Berghahn
Egbert Klautke, The Mind of the Nation: Völkerpsychologie in Germany, 1851-1955 (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2013)
Reviewed by David Freis
Damani J. Partridge, Hypersexuality and Headscarves: Race, Sex and Citizenship in the New Germany (Bloomington: Indiana Universtiy Press, 2012)
Reviewed by Myra Marx Ferree
Moshe Zimmermann, Deutsche gegen Deutsche: Das Schicksal der Juden, 1938-1945 (Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag, 2008; Hebrew trans., Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2013)
Reviewed by Noga Wolff
Zara Steiner, The Triumph of the Dark: European International History, 1933-1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011)
Reviewed by Volker Prott
Stefan Berger and Norman La Porte, Friendly Enemies: Britain and the GDR, 1949-1990 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2010)
Reviewed by Meredith Heiser-Duron
The Large-Scale Rituals of the Repkong Tantrists in Tibet
enemies—a possibility that is quite clear to the main actors involved. In the ritual as it is performed in this particular setting, procedures are followed for assessing and managing certain aspects, such as the designation of ritual functionaries for the
A case study of Indian and Pakistani school textbooks
*Full article is in English
English abstract: This article analyzes the role of school education as a medium for indoctrinating young minds through school textbooks within the framework of India–Pakistan relations. This fact is more pronounced in Pakistan, but even in the case of India, efforts are not undertaken to objectively teach subjects in a way that helps sensitize students about the India–Pakistan relationship. The author argues that the young generations in India and Pakistan largely lack a shared understanding until they undergo a process of de-learning and re-learning. Hence, the borders between India and Pakistan remained intact and militarized but definite types of borders are also created in young minds. Unless the psychological borders melt, it is difficult to imagine a porous physical border between India and Pakistan. This article attempts to understand how pedagogically the image of an enemy is created in young minds serving the purpose of the state.
Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza el papel de la educación escolar como un medio para adoctrinar mentes jóvenes a través de libros de texto en el marco de las relaciones India–Pakistán. Esta situación es más pronunciada en Pakistán, pero incluso en la India, no se llevan a cabo esfuerzos para enseñar objetivamente temas que apoyen la sensibilización de los estudiantes sobre la relación India–Pakistán. El autor argumenta que jóvenes generaciones en India y Pakistán comparten la falta de un conocimiento compartido hasta que pasen por un proceso de des-aprendizaje y re-aprendizaje. En consecuencia, las fronteras entre India y Pakistán permanecen intactas y militarizadas, pero también otros tipos de definición de fronteras son creados en las mentes jóvenes. A menos que las fronteras psicológicas se derritan, es difícil imaginar una frontera física porosa entre la India y Pakistán. Este artículo busca entender cómo la imagen del enemigo es pedagógicamente creada en las mentes jóvenes sirviendo el propósito del Estado. Los casos de los libros de texto en India y Pakistán son presentados para comprender los diferentes tipos de fronteras prevalecientes en el sur de Asia.
French abstract: Cet article analyse le rôle de l’éducation scolaire comme un moyen d’endoctrinement de jeunes esprits à travers les livres scolaires dans le contexte des relations entre l’Inde et le Pakistan. Cette situation est particulièrement marquée au Pakistan mais y compris en Inde, aucun effort n’est mené pour enseigner objectivement des thèmes qui sensibilisent les élèves sur les relations Inde-Pakistan. L’auteur argumente que les jeunes générations indiennes et pakistanaises manquent de connaissances partagées jusqu’à ce qu’elles transitent par un processus de désapprentissage et de ré-apprentissage. En conséquence, les frontières entre l’Inde et le Pakistan continuent à être intactes et militarisées et d’autres types de frontières claires son créées dans les esprits de la jeunesse. À moins que les frontières psychologiques ne disparaissent, il reste difficile d’imaginer une frontière physique poreuse entre l’Inde et le Pakistan. Cet article cherche à comprendre comment l’image de l’ennemi est créée pédagogiquement dans les jeunes esprits et sert les intérêts de l’Etat.
A Discursive Analysis of a Century of Anthropological Writings on Missionary Ethnographers
Travis Warren Cooper
to be regarded as “enemies.” ( Stipe 1980: 165 ) For as long as anthropology has existed as an academic profession, its proponents have operated in an ambiguous relationship with Christian missionaries. One might provisionally characterize the
Stacy M. K. George
interest or specialization. The government is portrayed as the enemy (an out-group), and it requires the work of “we, the people” to restore the country to its traditional (Christian) roots. Participants are left emotionally energized as the leader then
Linda Woodhead, James T. Richardson, Martyn Percy, Catherine Wessinger and Eileen Barker
branded ‘the enemy’ with a kind of binary thinking that tempts one not to check all one’s sources as thoroughly as one should (p. 306). Faced with these difficulties and the lack of support, the bigger temptation is to drop out altogether. Even Barker