The brutal police repression of the demonstration of 17 October 1961 stands as a stark reminder of the violence of French colonialism. A continuing official reluctance to acknowledge these traumatic events has led individuals and groups to seek alternative routes for recognition. This article explores one of these alternative routes: the comic book, and specifically Octobre Noir, a collaboration between writer Didier Daeninckx and graphic artist Mako. By analyzing the reframing of 17 October 1961 within the comic form, this article argues that Octobre noir offers a site for interrogating the relationship between history and memory. This is achieved by exchanging a cultural narrative of police brutality and Algerian victimization for a narrative of legitimate protest and Algerian political agency. Octobre noir exemplifies the value of the comic book as a vector of memory able to represent the past in ways that enrich historical analysis and inter disciplinary debate.
Comics, Memory, and Cultural Representations of 17 October 1961
Immigrant Bachelors, French Bureaucrats, and the Conjugal Politics of Naturalization in the Third Republic
This article illuminates the conjugal politics of French naturalization bureaucrats during the Third Republic. Against the background of a severe depopulation crisis that heightened anti-bachelor sentiment, unmarried immigrant men came to be seen as a grave threat to the stability of the French nation. In the context of massive immigration, officials endorsed the institution of marriage as an effective means of policing the morality, mobility and sexuality of the foreign-born. Thus, this article demonstrates how French officials used marriage as a disciplinary tool to contain the mobile and moral threat posed by immigrant bachelors rapidly pooling on French soil from 1880 onward. In the process, this article is the first to highlight the gendered and sexual policing ing logic of the modern French state towards immigrant men while bringing to light the mutually reinforcing histories of immigration, heterosexuality, and marriage in modern France.
Odiolândia (Hateland) is a video installation that showcases online comments from videos published on social networks about police actions carried out by the São Paulo municipal and state governments in an area of São Paulo, Brazil, known as Cracolândia (Crackland) between 21 May and 11 June 2017. The first operation took place at five in the morning and involved five hundred armed police officers who allegedly arrested the drug dealers who operate in the region. In practical terms, it resulted in the removal and dispersion of crack users and the demolition of houses. It is important to stress that the area occupied by Cracolândia also coincides with an urban renovation project. It is titled Nova Luz, a public-private redevelopment project for that neighborhood that will displace and evict the poor local population from that area.
Donatella della Porta and Mario Diani
The largest pacifist demonstration ever seen in Italy was held in
Rome on 15 February 2003. Behind the lead banner, which read
“Let’s stop the war with no ifs or buts,” were 3 million protesters,
according to organizers (police estimates put the figure at 650,000).
Supporting the march, which was organized by 400 groups and associations,
were 350 local authorities and 136 parliamentarians.
Twenty-eight special trains and 3,000 coaches converged on Rome,
while 2,000 police officers lined the 10 kilometer path that led to the
central stage in Piazza San Giovanni.1 The march in Rome was part
of a wider global protest. L’Unità wrote on 16 February: “Dawn had
yet to break in Rome but Australia had already been marching for a
while.” This international day of protest against the war had been
launched at the European Social Forum in November 2002 and became
international when the idea was taken up in January 2003 at
the World Social Forum in Porto Allegre.
Private Security in a Bolivian Marketplace
Daniel M. Goldstein
The appearance of effective security making—demonstrated through surveillance, visibility, and ongoing performance—is significant to contemporary sovereign authority in urban spaces characterized by quotidian violence and crime. This article examines La Cancha, Cochabamba, Bolivia’s enormous outdoor market, which is policed not by the state but by private security firms that operate as nonstate sovereign actors in the space of the market. The article provides an ethnographic account of one of these firms (the Men in Black), and documents the work of both municipal and national police—all of them distinguished by differently colored uniforms—in the management of crime, administration of justice, and establishment of public order in the market. Sovereignty here is derived through public performance, both violent and nonviolent, through which the Men in Black demonstrate and maintain their sovereign power.
Transparency and Political Power in Uzbek Cyberspace
This article uses the example of Uzbekistan's national security services to consider how the psychic influence of a police state reveals itself online. What happens when the 'spectral double' of the police becomes a point of focus in a medium known for its transparency? I argue that although the Internet gives citizens the capability to organize and interact, it does not relieve their fears and suspicions; instead, it often intensifies them. Despite the 'transparency' that the Internet affords—and sometimes because of it—there are qualities bound up in the architecture of this medium that give rise to paranoia. Using examples from Uzbek online political discourse, I show how the Internet has fueled suspicion and fears about the state security services despite attempts to demystify and assuage them.
Benjamin Abrams and Giovanni A. Travaglino
When we think about protest, we often associate it with the notion of organized social movements, but studying organized movements only captures a small part of the realities of social protest. Dissent often takes alternative forms, and can be studied from myriad angles. The articles in this issue offer different perspectives on social protest, examining the roles of small activist collectives, organized policing efforts, local private politics, digital communities, and revolutionary vanguards in instances of collective action and political behavior.
Carrie A. Rentschler
Young feminists use social media in order to respond to rape culture and to hold accountable the purveyors of its practices and ways of thinking when mainstream news media, police and school authorities do not. This article analyzes how social networks identified with young feminists take shape via social media responses to sexual violence, and how those networks are organized around the conceptual framework of rape culture. Drawing on the concept of response-ability, the article analyzes how recent social media responses to rape culture evidence the affective and technocultural nature of current feminist network building and the ways this online criticism re-imagines the position of feminist witnesses to rape culture.
Bruce O'Neill, Helene Maria Kyed, Pauline Peters, Ruy Llera Blanes and Hege Toje
Martin Demant Frederiksen, Young Men, Time, and Boredom in the Republic of Georgia (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2013), 214 pp. ISBN 9781439909188.
Didier Fassin, Enforcing Order: An Ethnography of Urban Policing (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013), 320 pp. ISBN 9780745664798.
Ørnulf Gulbrandsen, The State and the Social: State Formation in Botswana and Its Pre-colonial and Colonial Genealogies (New York: Berghahn Books, 2014), 343 pp. ISBN 9781782383253.
Franco La Cecla and Piero Zanini, The Culture of Ethics, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2013), 119 pp. ISBN 9780984201044.
Madeleine Reeves, Border Work: Spatial Lives of the State in Rural Central Asia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014), 292 pp. ISBN 9780801477065.
Adivasi and Dalit political pathways in India
Does the dominant, statist conception of citizenship offer a satisfying framework to study the politicization of subaltern classes? This dialectical exploration of the political movements that emerge from the suppressed margins of Indian society questions their relationship to the state and its outcomes from the point of view of emancipation. As this special section shows, political ethnographers of “insurgent citizenship” among Dalits and Adivasis offer a view from below. The articles illustrate the way political subjectivities are being produced on the ground by confronting, negotiating, but also exceeding the state and its policed frameworks.