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Davide Martelli

The Appendix delineates the economic, social, and political picture

that stands behind the events analyzed in this volume. It contains

three sections. The first, which includes Tables A1-A7, presents

historical data regarding the population: gender; age category;

labor-force, examined according to occupations and conflict; births

and marriages; various forms of criminality; important indicators

of the economy and public finance, such as domestic product and

debt. The second section is dedicated to the various electoral contests

that occurred during the year; regional, provincial, communal,

and referenda. Tables B1-B5 contain absolute numbers of votes

and the percentages obtained by the political parties in the regional

elections and the composition of the electoral coalitions in the

regions. Tables B6-B8 report the data on turnout for mayoral elections

as well as for contests for control of the capital seats of communes.

Tables B9 and B10 report the same data for elections for

provincial presidents. Finally, B11 presents the results of referenda.

The last section is dedicated to institutional data: Table C1 includes

the ministers in the Amato government.

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Demos and Nation

Misplacing the Dilemmas of the European Union--In Memory of Stanley Hoffmann

Charles S. Maier

“Demos and Nation,” written in homage to the memory of Stanley Hoffmann, critically considers the “no-demos” theory that argues the European Union is necessarily limited in its scope and loyalty because supposedly any authentic democratic political union must rest on a “people” or “demos,” which the EU lacks. There is no European demos, so the proponents argue; only nationstates possess this communal glue. I argue that, first, European history shows the no-demos theory ascribes far too great a unity and cohesion to the process of traditional nation-state formation as well as to current national polities; second, that polities at any level create their demoi through common civic activity, such as voting, political party formation, and meaningful parliamentary policy making; they are not pre-existing. Additionally, current difficulties of the EU should be attributed more to xenophobic populism at the national level than to failings in Brussels. Ultimately the no-demos theory plays into the hands of political leaders and movements that wish to advance their populist and authoritarian agendas at home by stigmatizing the EU.

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Radical or Not So Radical?

Tactical Variation in Core Policy Formation by the Front National

James Shields

Starting from a number of general tenets about radical political parties, this article examines the Front National (FN) in relation to its core policy issue of immigration. To what extent has FN immigration policy been defined from the outset by its radicalism? Has that radicalism been constant or variable over time? And how far can a reciprocal influence be detected between the FN and the center Right in immigration policy formulation? Focusing on election campaigns, manifestos, and key moments in the FN's evolution, the article assesses how the party has tailored its radicalism to contextual factors and tactical considerations. It reveals an FN less bound to a fixed policy and more ready to seek accommodation (with circumstance, public opinion, or the center Right) than is generally acknowledged. Conversely, it also assesses how the FN's mobilization of strong support on the immigration issue has had radicalizing effects on the center Right. The article concludes by considering whether the change of leadership in January 2011 might confine the FN to the radical Right or see it adopt a more center-oriented course.

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Jakob Rigi

On 22 October 2003, Michael Khodorkovsky, the richest man in Russia and the director of Yukos, one of the largest Russian companies, was arrested at gunpoint in Novosibirsk airport and transferred to Moscow. A few months earlier, one of his deputies, Platon Lebedev, had been arrested on 3 July 2003. In the months that followed the arrest of Lebedev, the general prosecutor raided the offices of Yukos and Menatep, a major shareholder of Yukos. On 17 October 2003, Vasily Shakhnovsky, a Yukos shareholder, was detained for tax evasion. Another major shareholder, Leonid Nevzlin, was accused of conspiracy to commit murder and fled to Israel. One of Yukos’s security guards was also accused as a culprit in this conspiracy and was imprisoned. The general prosecutor subjected the company to a series of raids and restrictions that led to the decline of the value of its shares and brought it to the verge of bankruptcy by the middle of August 2004. Officially, all of these actions occurred because of Yukos’s illegal economic dealings and tax frauds, but the real reasons were that Khodorkovsky had dared to criticize publicly the president of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin; that he had funded rival political parties; and that he had also toyed with the idea of entering politics himself and becoming a presidential candidate. Since the conflict between Yukos and the state is a good illustration of the contradictory relation between state and capital in Russia, let me give a brief description of Yukos’s history.

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Textbook Conflicts in South Asia

Politics of Memory and National Identity

Deepa Nair

The aftermath of World War II saw the emergence of many new nation-states on the Asian geopolitical map and a simultaneous attempt by these states to claim the agency of nationhood and to create an aura of a homogenous national identity. Textbooks have been the most potent tools used by nations to inject an idea of a national memory - in many instances with utter disregard for fundamental contradictions within the socio-political milieu. In South Asia, political sensitivity towards transmission of the past is reflected in the attempts of these states to revise or rewrite versions which are most consonant with the ideology of dominant players (political parties, religious organizations, ministries of education, publishing houses, NGOs, etc.) concerning the nature of the state and the identity of its citizens. This paper highlights the fundamental fault lines in the project of nation-building in states in South Asia by locating instances of the revision or rewriting of dominant interpretations of the past. By providing an overview of various revisionist exercises in South Asia, an attempt will be made to highlight important issues that are fundamental to the construction of identities in this diverse continent.

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Helga A. Welsh

Characterized by a highly complex and segmented decision-making structure and strong conventions and values, German higher education was long considered impervious to significant change. In recent years, several initiatives demonstrate both the resistance to, and prospects for, profound reforms. This article focuses on two such endeavors: the establishment of junior professorships and the introduction of general tuition fees. Both policies aim to break ironclad traditions—in the first case, the entry qualification for professorships; in the second, the principle of free education. The discourse surrounding the establishment of these initiatives has emphasized performance and competition. The new advocacy coalitions and their opponents, however, use different frames to interpret these terms. The battle of ideas and policies regarding a reconfigured academic hierarchy has been shaped by stakeholders in the scientific community, with political actors taking a secondary role. On the other hand, the discourse surrounding the introduction of tuition fees reverses this order, with political actors taking the prominent role. Discourse patterns and involvement of political parties matter. The analysis reveals the competing rhetorical and policy frames that support policy diversity. Policy change adds to, rather than eliminates, existing structures.

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Harlan Koff and Carmen Maganda

Since the end of the Cold War in 1990, “regions” and “governance” have become prominent themes in the social sciences and they have often accompanied each other in both political and academic circles. During this historical period, regions have developed in many ways, including the proliferation and deepening of regional integration schemes, including among others, the enlargement of the European Union (EU), the establishment of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the passage of the Organization of African Unity to the African Union, and the transformation of the Andean Pact into the Andean Community. While world regions were being established at the supranational level, sub-national regions also began to take form. The 1990s witnessed the development of regional economies, regional identities, regionalist ideologies, political parties, and social movements. In many cases, these transformations could not be contained by national boundaries. The notion of “borders” has recently been replaced by “border regions” as these areas have become accepted as socially constructed territories that transcend political and geographic delineations.

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The New Biography: Performing Femininity in Nineteenth-Century France, Jo Burr Margadant, ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000). Review by Elizabeth E. Covington, University of California at Los Angeles

Raymond Jonas, France and the Cult of the Sacred Heart: An Epic for Modern Times (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2000). Review by Caroline Ford, University of British Columbia

Cécile Laborde, Pluralist Thought and the State in Britain and France, 1900-25 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, St. Antony’s Series, 2000). Review by Judith F. Stone, Western Michigan University

Linda L. Clark, The Rise of Professional Women in France: Gender and Public Administration since 1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Review by Karen Offen, Stanford University

Carolyn Warner, Confessions of an Interest Group: The Catholic Church and Political Parties in Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). Review by Kimberly J. Morgan, George Washington University

Richard J. Golsan, Vichy’s Afterlife: History and Counterhistory in Postwar France (Lincoln and London: The University of Nebraska Press, 2000). Review by Henry Rousso, IHTP-CNRS

Mouloud Feraoun, Journal 1955-1962: Reflections on the French-Algerian War, ed. with intro. by James D. Le Sueur, trans. Mary Ellen Wolf and Claude Fouillade (Lincoln, NE and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2000). Originally published as Journal 1955-1962 (Paris: Seuil, 1962). Review by Patricia M.E. Lorcin, Texas Tech University

Herman Lebovics, Mona Lisa’s Escort: André Malraux and the Reinvention of French Culture (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999). Review by Charles Rearick, University of Massachusetts at Amherst

Bernard Lahire, L’Invention de l’ « illettrisme », rhétorique publique, éthique et stigmates (Paris : Éditions La Découverte, 1999). Review by Christian Baudelot, École normale supérieure

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Enrique Pérez Campuzano

*Full article is in Spanish

English abstract: This article offers an empirical reading of urban peripheries as complex spaces between urban, rural, and environmental planning. Peripheries have become conflictive, particularly in developing countries, as objects of interest by different actors (landholders, political parties, administrators), which complicates management and planning. The planning of peripheries should include the active participation of landholders. The author analyzes two options for their inclusion: the first is economic remuneration of landowners in order to avoid changes in land use, particularly in areas with high ecosystem value; second, the author underlines the importance of policy evaluation. The article presents the initial results of a research project on members of a cooperative (ejidatarios) and evaluates the application of the FOCOMDES program in the southern urban periphery of Mexico City.

Spanish abstract: Este artículo ofrece una lectura empírica sobre las periferias urbanas como espacios complejos entre la planificación urbana, rural, y ambiental. Particularmente en países en desarrollo, las periferias se han vuelto conflictivas en tanto objeto de interés de diversos actores (poseedores del suelo, partidos políticos, administradores), lo que complica aún más su proceso de gestión y planificación. La planificación periférica también debe incluir la participación activa de los poseedores del suelo. El autor analiza dos opciones de inclusión: la primera es la retribución económica a los propietarios para evitar el cambio del uso del suelo, particularmente en las zonas con alto valor ecosistémico; en segunda instancia, el autor subraya la importancia de la evaluación de dichas políticas. En esta parte se presentan los resultados iniciales de una investigación de campo en una comunidad de ejidatarios que evalúan la aplicación del programa Fondos Comunitarios para el Desarrollo Rural Equitativo y Sustentable (FOCOMDES) en periferia urbana del sur de la Ciudad de México.

French abstract: Cet article offre une lecture empirique des périphéries urbaines comme espaces complexes entre la planification urbaine, rurale et écologique. En particulier dans les pays en voie de développement, les périphéries sont devenues une source de conflit, constituant l'objet d'intérêt d'acteurs différents (les propriétaires fonciers, les partis politiques, les administrateurs). Cela complique encore davantage la gestion et la planification. La planification de périphéries devrait également inclure la participation active des propriétaires fonciers. L'auteur analyse deux options pour leur inclusion ; la première est la rémunération économique de propriétaires fonciers pour éviter des changements dans l'usage des terrains, notamment dans les zones avec une haute valeur d'écosystème. Dans la seconde option proposée, l'auteur souligne l'importance de l'évaluation de ces politiques. Ce e partie présente les premiers résultats d'un projet de recherche sur les membres d'une « ejido ». Ils évaluent l'application du programme FOCOMDES dans la périphérie sud de la Ville de Mexico.

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Lauri Siitonen

English abstract: There is a possible conflict between two current policy guidelines in post-conflict countries, human security, and state rebuilding. This article analyzes how weak statehood and low human security are mutually interlinked in complex ways in the case of post-conflict Nepal. The analysis is based on economic, political, and social data, recent reports by international organizations and NGOs, as well as on statements by major politicians and political parties. A dilemma can be identified in post-conflict Nepal: in order to remedy weak statehood and decrease the level of crime, the presence of the state in the rural areas needs to be enhanced. Yet people feel mistrust toward the police and state administration, which keep many people marginalized. Therefore external actors, particularly the EU, should strengthen their support for democratization of the state while at the same time keeping an eye on the peace process.

Spanish abstract: Existe un posible conflicto entre dos orientaciones de las políticas actuales en los países post-conflicto: la seguridad humana y la reconstrucción del Estado. Este artículo analiza cómo la debilidad estatal y la seguridad humana están mutuamente relacionadas entre sí de manera compleja en el caso del post-conflicto en Nepal. El análisis se basa en los datos económicos, políticos y sociales, en los últimos informes de las organizaciones internacionales y no-gubernamentales, así como en las declaraciones de los más importantes políticos y partidos políticos. Es posible identificar un dilema en el Nepal post-conflicto: con el fin de fortalecer al Estado débil y disminuir el nivel de la criminalidad, es preciso mejorar la presencia del Estado en las zonas rurales. Sin embargo, la gente siente desconfianza hacia la policía y la administración estatal, que mantienen a un gran número de personas en la marginalidad. Por lo tanto los actores externos, especialmente la UE, deben fortalecer su apoyo a la democratización del Estado a la vez que deben estar atentos al proceso de paz.

French abstract: Il existe une possibilité de conflit entre les deux actuelles lignes directrices en matière de politiques dans les pays en sortie de guerre, à savoir entre la sécurité humaine et la reconstruction de l'État. Cet article analyse comment un état défaillant et une faible sécurité humaine sont reliés mutuellement de façon complexe dans le contexte d'après-guerre au Népal. L'analyse est basée sur des données économiques, politiques et sociales, des rapports récents d'organisations internationales et d'ONG, ainsi que sur les discours des plus importants politiciens et partis politiques. Un dilemme apparaît dans le cas du Népal : afin de renforcer le pouvoir de l'État et de diminuer les taux de criminalité, la présence de l'État doit être accrue dans les milieux ruraux. Or, la population montre une certaine méfiance envers la police et l'administration publique, instances considérées comme responsables de la marginalisation d'une grande partie de la société. C'est pourquoi des acteurs externes, telle l'Union Européenne, devraient renforcer leur aide à la démocratisation de l'État et surveiller en même temps le processus de paix.