This article describes and analyzes the complex relationship between Turkey, Germany, and the European Union over the past half-century. It asks why numerous other countries have jumped the queue and managed to gain entry, whereas Turkey has been left knocking at the door, presented with increasing obstacles through which it must pass. The role of Islam is examined as a motivating factor in the exclusion of Turkey. Also, the historical memory of the Ottoman Empire's relationship with Europe is discussed. The mixed reception and perceived problems of integration of the large population of people from Turkey and their descendants who arrived in the 1960s as "guestworkers" is put forth as a key obstacle to Turkey's admission to the European Union. Contradictions in policies and perceptions are highlighted as further impediments to accession.
Possibilities and Approaches – The Case of Slovakia
The article deals with the study of regionalism in European social anthropology with the focus on Slovakia's regions, regional diversities and identities in a broader perspective of European integration and regionalisation. It looks at socio-anthropological research on regionalism worldwide and in Slovakia particularly. The key objective is to examine the impact of geographical conditions and political-administrative reforms on the development of historic regions, sustainability of regionalism and the survival of regional differences and identities in Slovakia. The essay also discusses the creation of transborder regional co-operation and the establishment of Euroregions that only started to develop in the new democratic conditions after 1989. What do transborder regions mean to local people? Are they only bureaucratically constructed entities based on co-operation of formal authorities or do they also have an impact on people's identities? The essay aims at drawing attention to the importance of this research orientation in contemporary European social anthropology.
Ivi Daskalaki and Nadina Leivaditi
The closure of borders along the “Balkan route” and the EU-Turkey agreement in 2016 resulted in the involuntary immobility of thousands of refugees in Greece. Since then, the large-scale emergency relief aid on the Greek shores has been replaced by the development of provisions for the gradual integration of refugees within wider European society. In such a context, education comes to the fore in the management of Europe’s so-called “refugee crisis.” This article explores refugee youths’ educational engagements in the framework of their “temporary” accommodation in a Transit Shelter for Unaccompanied (Male) Minors on the island of Lesvos. The article discusses how the youths themselves act upon educational arrangements made by their caretakers within a context of limited agency inscribed in a “code” of filoxenia (hospitality to foreigners). This code positions refugee youths both as temporary “guests” and simultaneously as “subjects” of discipline in the residency and in wider society.
Dieter Gosewinkel, Einbürgern und Ausschließen. Die Nationalisierung der Staatsangehörigkeit vom Deutschen Bund bis zur Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001)
Daniel Levy, Yfaat Weiss, ed., Challenging Ethnic Citizenship: German and Israeli Perspectives on Immigration (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002)
Barbara Marshall, The New Germany and Migration in Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000)
Jan Motte, Rainer Ohliger, Anne von Oswald, ed., 50 Jahre Bundesrepublik – 50 Jahre Einwanderung: Nachkriegsgeschichte als Migrationsgeschichte (Frankfurt am Main/New York: Campus, 1999)
David Rock and Stefan Wolff, ed., Coming Home to Germany? The Integration of Ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe in the Federal Republic since 1945 (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002)
Stefan Wolff, ed., German Minorities in Europe: Ethnic Identity and Cultural Belonging (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2000)
The transformation process of eastern Germany began with the fall of the Berlin Wall on November 11, 1989. The time needed to formally replace the former socialist system with a market economy was short, not more than one year. But transformation should be defined in a broader sense and include the process of integrating the former socialist economies into the world markets and of establishing sustainable growth in that area. In that sense, the transformation of eastern Germany is far from finished (this is even more the case for central-eastern European economies).
Philip H. Gordon and Sophie Meunier
The nature of the French economy has changed radically in recent years. Breaking with its mercantilist and dirigiste past, France has since the early 1980s converted to market liberalization, both as the necessary by-product of European integration and globalization and as a deliberate effort by policymakers. Whereas the French state used to own large sectors of the economy, partly to keep them from foreign control, now even a Socialist-led government proceeds with privatization, with scant regard for the nationality of the buyer.
Its Consequences for Secularism
All too often, the question of Muslim minorities in Europe and America is discussedsolely in socioeconomic terms or with a simplistic focus on the Islamicreligion and its purported incompatibility with democracy. This article focusesinstead on the secularism of Western host societies as a major factor in the integrationof Muslim minorities. It compares French and American secularismand argues that while French-style secularism has contributed to present tensionsbetween French Muslims and the French state, American secularism hasfacilitated the integration of Muslims in the United States—even after 9/11.
Silvia-Maria Chireac and Anna Devis Arbona
[Full article is in English]
English: Estimated at 12 million, the Roma population constitutes one of the largest and most disadvantaged ethnic minority groups in Europe and the most socially marginalized and stigmatized group in the European Union (Council of Europe, 2009, 2010). In recent years, following the two waves of EU expansion in 2004 and 2007, the problem of Roma integration into educational systems generated great attention among EU member states. The European Commission’s policy of promoting multilingualism and cultural diversity to foster European citizenship has led to promising results. However, the current economic crisis and lack of effective political integration within EU member states have promoted policies of protectionism. This article provides an analysis of the current situation of Roma children from Eastern Europe, highlighting the opportunities for improving instruction and protecting human rights for this highly vulnerable school-age population. We propose specific measures based on a bilingual and cross-culturally inclusive educational model.
Spanish: Estimada en doce millones, la población romaní es uno de los grupos étnicos minoritarios más numeroso, desfavorecido, marginalizado y socialmente estigmatizado de la Unión Europea (Consejo de Europa, 2009, 2010). Después de las dos olas de ampliación de la UE en 2004 y 2007, el problema de la integración de los romaníes en los sistemas de educación generó gran atención entre los estados miembros. La política de la CE para promover el multilingüismo y la diversidad cultural a fin de fortalecer la ciudadanía europea ha llevado a resultados prometedores. Sin embargo, ante la crisis económica actual y la falta de una política efectiva de integración en la UE, predominan políticas de proteccionismo. Este artículo analiza la situación actual de los niños romaní en Europa del Este, subrayando las oportunidades para mejorar la instrucción y protección de los derechos humanos de esta sumamente vulnerable población en edad escolar. Proponemos medidas específi cas basadas en un modelo escolar bilingüe y transculturalmente inclusivo.
French Estimée en 12 millions, la population rom constitue un des plus grands groupes ethniques défavorisés minoritaires en Europe et le groupe le plus marginalisé socialement et stigmatisé de l’Union Européenne (Council of Europe, 2009, 2010). Au cours des années récentes, suite à deux vagues d’expansion de l’EU en 2004 et 2007, le problème de l’intégration des Roms dans les systèmes éducatifs a provoqué une att ention soutenue dans les États membres de l’UE. La politique de la Commission Européenne en matière de promotion du multilinguisme et de la diversité culturelle destinée á favoriser la citoyenneté européenne a abouti à des résultats promett eurs. Cependant, la crise économique actuelle et l’absence d’une intégration politique réelle entre les États membres de l’UE ont favorisé des politiques protectionnistes. Cet article présente une analyse de la situation actuelle des enfants roms d’Europe de l’Est et met en lumière les opportunités d’améliorer l’instruction et de protéger les droits humains pour cett e population scolaire très vulnérable. Nous proposons des mesures spécifi ques fondées sur un modèle éducatif bilingue et ouvert à l’interculturel.
During the course of the 2006 Soccer World Cup, Germans started to celebrate a “new patriotism.” As the construction of national identity is inseparable in Germany from the Nazi past, this occurrence can be considered an indicator of an altered relationship to this past. This article examines these changes by focusing on a nationally recognized site of remembrance, the former Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg, where five matches of the World Cup were played. The convergence of site and event evokes contradictions and ambiguities, such as the encounter of the opposed needs of sports and remembrance at the same location. It shows what problems arise at a site of national collective memory today, when the role of the national collective is challenged by developments like European integration, migration within and to Europe, and the on-going effects of globalization.
Jennifer A. Yoder
On 21 December 2007, the German-Polish border became a "Schengen" border. Passport controls and other limitations to the movement of people and goods were abolished, removing one more obstacle to European and, perhaps, German-Polish integration. Several years earlier, Poland introduced territorial and administrative changes that moved it closer institutionally to western European states. Forty-nine subnational administrative units were replaced by sixteen self-governing voivodships. This article explores the implications of this new institutional context for German-Polish border relations. It finds that, despite the expansion of the opportunity structure for greater German-Polish cross-border cooperation, interaction still tends to be among elites. The development of linkages at the societal level lags behind for several reasons, including lingering institutional impediments and cultural differences, but also the failings of political leadership.