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Pascal Bourdeaux

Indochina played a pioneering role during the decolonization of the French empire, and the religious issue proved important to the process. Even to this day, state-church relations bear signs of this contentious and painful past. The historiography of the Indochina War, as well as that of the Vietnam War, clearly call attention to the activism of religious leaders and religious communities, especially Buddhists and Catholics, who fought for independence, peace, and the needs and rights of the Third World. And religion was put to the service of shaping public opinion both in Vietnam and internationally. Naturally, ideological convictions during the era of decolonialization account for the dominance of political analysis of this subject. But with the passage of time we can now develop a more sociological understanding of people's religious motivations and practices and the role they played in the conflict between communism and nationalism. The historian can also re-examine the secularization process in decolonized societies by analyzing, on the one hand, the supposed loss of ascendancy of religions in society and, on the other hand, the appearance of new religious movements that tended to adapt to modernity. This essay explores these politico-religious dynamics in the context of the decolonization of Vietnam.

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Michael Keating

It is notoriously diffi cult to defi ne the region. It is a territorial space, certainly, so we can exclude virtual spaces from our consideration, but it can take a number of territorial confi gurations. There is a conventional but still useful distinction between substate regionalism, studied traditionally by geographers, planners, sociologists, political scientists and historians, and supra-state regions, studied by other geographers and in international relations and strategic studies. Economists may make use of both. A third conception is the transnational region, which cuts across the boundaries of states, taking in some but not all of the territory or more than one political community. All these meanings, however, are relative to the nation-state, being above, below, or across it but not questioning its standing as the authoritative defi ner of territorial boundaries. Most of them also unproblematically use the term “nation-state” to defi ne both a sovereign polity and one in which state and nation coincide, although in plurinational polities these are quite diff erent meanings.

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Analyzing African Formations

Multi-national Corporations, Non-capitalist Relations, and 'Mothers of the Community'

Caroline Ifeka

The West gazes hard at the continent it is has exploited for so long. Reflecting Western discourses of Africa as that ‘dark other’, texts use epithets immersed in preconceptions of Africa’s inequality: differences of race and religion, with Western ‘civilization’ standing for, and justifying, unequal power relations of apparent antiquity. Nineteenth-century Royal Geographical Society audiences, enthusiastic supporters of Britain’s growing empire and overseas Christian missions, learned from distinguished travelers about ‘the slave trade’, ‘ju-ju’, ‘paganism and devil worship’, ‘Mecca’, ‘the import-export trade’, ‘white traders’, and ‘black middlemen’. Favorite twentieth-century discourses included ‘black nationalism’, ‘weak states’ and ‘African indebtedness’, ‘corrupt government’, ‘ruthless multi-national oil companies’, ‘environmental pollution’, and ‘poverty’. Twenty-first-century researchers write of ‘endemic violence’ coalescing around inter-state international borders or intra-state ethnic boundaries; ethnic militants fight for ‘ethnic sovereignties’, jostling to wrest from the nation-state customary rights of ownership and control over ‘our god-given’ oil, clashing with giant multi-national corporations that lease from nation-state governments—not oil-producing communities claiming customary ownership—vast blocks of swamp, desert, and sea under which lies ‘black gold’ (Ifeka 2000: 452; cf. Hertz 2001: 194ff.).

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Edith Kauffer

[Full article is in Spanish]

English: Presently, international development organizations have adopted gender perspectives in all policy spheres as a transversal approach as a result of a process that has transited through different foci since the 1950s. Nonetheless, different studies have highlighted the fact that implementation is limited beyond the recurring discourses of governments, non-governmental organizations and funding agencies. We can speak of a discrepancy between rhetoric and practice around gender in development policies, a subject that lies on the edges of power. Furthermore, there is another discrepancy between policy analysis and a gender perspective, where we find little research that achieves a theoretical articulation between two traditions that somehow seem irreconcilable. This article aims to initiate a reflection on that which it identifies as a double discrepancy between gender and policies focused on the edges of power: the failure to integrate gender in development policies and the difficult theoretical articulation of gender within policy. Faced with this double discrepancy, the article proposes some points of convergence around an inclusion of power relations both as a goal of development policies and a policy analysis.

Spanish: En la actualidad, las instituciones internacionales de desarrollo han adoptado la perspectiva de género en las políticas públicas en todos los ámbitos a través de la noción de transversalización y como resultado de un proceso que transitó por diversos enfoques desde los años 1950. Sin embargo, diversos estudios han puesto en evidencia que su concreción es poco real más allá del discurso recurrente de gobiernos, organizaciones no gubernamentales y agencias de financiamiento. Podemos hablar de 34 Regions & Cohesion • Summer 2016 una discrepancia entre el discurso y la práctica del género en las políticas de desarrollo cuya problemática radica en las aristas del poder. Además, existe otra discrepancia entre el análisis de políticas públicas y la perspectiva de género, donde encontramos pocos trabajos que logran una articulación teórica entre dos tradiciones que parecen en cierto modos irreconciliables. Este artículo pretende iniciar una refl exión acerca de lo que se propone identifi car como un doble discrepancia entre género y políticas públicas centrada en las aristas del poder: el fracaso de la inserción del género en las políticas de desarrollo y la difícil articulación teórica entre género y políticas públicas. Ante esta doble discrepancia, propone algunos puntos de convergencia en torno a una inclusión de las relaciones de poder a la vez como objetivo de las políticas de desarrollo y en el análisis de las políticas públicas.

French: Les institutions internationales ont adopté à l’heure actuelle la perspective de genre dans tous les domaines des politiques publiques via la notion de transversalisation du genre qui est le résultat d’un processus qui a transité par diverses approches depuis les années 1950. Cependant, diverses études ont mis en évidence que sa concrétisation n’est guère réelle au-delà des discours récurrents des gouvernements, des organisations non gouvernementales et des agences de financement. Nous pouvons dès lors parler d’une divergence entre le discours et la pratique du genre dans les politiques de développement dont le choeur du problème réside dans les barbelés du pouvoir. De plus, il existe une autre divergence entre l’analyse des politiques publiques et la perspective de genre dans la mesure où nous trouvons peu de travaux qui proposent une articulation théorique entre deux traditions apparemment irréconciliables. Cet article prétend ouvrir une réfl exion sur cett e double divergence entre genre et politiques publiques centrée sur les barbelés du pouvoir et qui s’exprime par l’échec de l’insertion du genre dans les politiques de développement et par l’articulation diffi cile entre genre et politiques publiques. Face à cett e double divergence, la contribution propose quelques points de convergence autour d’une inclusion des relations de pouvoir en tant qu’objectifs des politiques de développement et dans l’analyse des politiques publiques.

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Johanna Gehmacher, Svetla Baloutzova, Orlin Sabev, Nezihe Bilhan, Tsvetelin Stepanov, Evgenia Kalinova, Zorana Antonijevic, Alexandra Ghit, Chiara Bonfiglioli, Ana Luleva, Barbara Klich-Kluczewska, Courtney Doucette, Katarzyna Stańczak-Wiślicz, Valentina Mitkova, Vjollca Krasniqi, Pepka Boyadjieva, Marina Hughson and Rayna Gavrilova

Gisela Bock, Geschlechtergeschichten der Neuzeit: Ideen, Politik, Praxis (Gender histories of the modern era: Ideas, politics, practice)

Helene Carlbäck, Yulia Gradskova, and Zhanna Kravchenko, eds., And They Lived Happily Ever After: Norms and Everyday Practices of Family and Parenthood in Russia and Eastern Europe

Peter Coleman, Daniela Koleva, and Joanna Bornat, eds., Ageing, Ritual and Social Change: Comparing the Secular and Religious in Eastern and Western Europe

Aslı Davaz, Es¸itsiz Kız Kardes¸lik: Uluslararası ve Ortadog˘u Kadın Hareketleri, 1935 Kongresi ve Türk Kadın Birlig˘i (Unequal sisterhood: International and Middle East women’s movements, the 1935 Congress and the Turkish Women’s Union)

Sashka Georgieva, Zhenata v bulgarskoto srednovekovie (Woman in medieval Bulgaria)

Kristen Ghodsee, The Left Side of History: World War II and the Unfulfilled Promise of Communism in Eastern Europe

Marina Hughson, Poluperiferija i rod: pobuna konteksta (The semiperiphery and gender: The rebellion of the context)

Luciana Jinga, Gen s¸i reprezentare în România comunista˘, 1944–1989 (Gender and representation in communist Romania, 1944–1989)

Roswitha Kersten-Pejanic, Simone Rajilic, and Christian Voß, eds., Doing Gender—Doing the Balkans: Dynamics and Persistence of Gender Relations in Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav Successor States

Daniela Koleva, ed., Ljubovta pri sotsializma: obraztsi, obrazi, tabuta (Love during socialism: Patterns, images, taboos)

Agnieszka Kos´cian´ska, Płec´, przyjemnos´c´ i przemoc: Kształtowanie wiedzy eksperckiej o seksualnos´ci w Polsce (Gender, pleasure, and violence: The construction of expert knowledge of sexuality in Poland)

Denis Kozlov, The Readers of Novyi Mir: Coming to Terms with the Stalinist Past

Anna Pelka, Z [politycznym] fasonem: Moda młodziez˙owa w PRL i NRD (In [political] fashion: Youth fashions in the PPR and the GDR)

Amelia Sanz, Francesca Scott, and Suzan van Dijk, eds., Women Telling Nations

Zilka Spahic´-Šiljak, ed., Contesting Female, Feminist and Muslim Identities: Post-Socialist Contexts of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo - Reviewed by Vjollca Krasniqi Rumiana Stoilova, Pol i stratifikatsia: Vlianie na sotsialnia pol vurhu stratifikatsiata v Bulgaria sled 1989 g. (Gender and stratification: The impact of gender on stratification in Bulgaria after 1989)

Svetlana Tomic´, Realizam i stvarnost: Nova tumacˇenja proze srpskog realizma iz r odne perspective (Realism and reality: A new interpretation of Serbian realist prose from a gender perspective)

Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska, Rachel Duffett, and Alain Drouard, eds., Food and War in Twentieth Century Europe

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Robert W. Compton Jr.

Both the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) support regional and national integration, the protection of human rights and civil society involvement, and non-interference in member states' internal affairs. Sometimes these goals at the regional level become mutually exclusive. Human rights groups, international organizations, and Western states have criticized human rights abuses and democracy and governance shortcomings in several ASEAN states (e.g., Vietnam and Myanmar) and SADC countries (e.g., Swaziland, Madagascar, and Zimbabwe). This article addresses ASEAN and SADC's historical context and continued development related to these issues. It also evaluates the regional organizations' effectiveness in balancing o en mutually exclusive goals and concludes that existing regional organizational strength and cohesion impact the approaches used to manage conflict and external criticism and build greater social cohesion regionally and within states. SADC utilizes a “regional compliance model“ based on political criteria whereas ASEAN utilizes a “constructive engagement“ or “economic integration first“ model. SADC places greater emphasis on placing good governance, especially as it relates to human rights, at the forefront of regionalism. ASEAN sublimates human rights to regional integration through constructive engagement and greater emphases on economic relations. Two distinct models of regional integration exist.

Spanish La Comunidad de Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC por sus siglas en inglés), y la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN en inglés), apoyan la integración regional/continental y nacional, la protección de los derechos humanos, la participación de la sociedad civil, y la no injerencia en los asuntos internos de los estados miembros. A veces, estas metas son mutuamente excluyentes a nivel regional. Grupos de derechos humanos, organizaciones internacionales y estados occidentales han criticado las violaciones de los derechos humanos y las deficiencias en democracia y gobernabilidad en varios Estados de la ASEAN (por ejemplo, Vietnam y Myanmar) y en algunos países de la SADC (por ejemplo, Suazilandia, Madagascar y Zimbabue). En este artículo se aborda el contexto histórico de la SADC y la ASEAN y su continuo desarrollo relacionado con los temas mencionados. También se evalúa la eficacia de las organizaciones regionales, haciendo el balance entre los objetivos a menudo mutuamente excluyentes, y concluye que la existente fuerza regional de organización y cohesión impacta los enfoques utilizados para manejar el conflicto y la crítica externa, y promueve la construcción de una mayor cohesión social regionalmente y dentro de los estados. La SADC utiliza un “modelo de cumplimiento regional“ basado en criterios políticos, mientras que la ASEAN utiliza un modelo de “compromiso constructivo“ o “integración económica primero“. La SADC pone mayor énfasis en afianzar la buena gobernanza, especialmente en lo relacionado con los derechos humanos, a la vanguardia del regionalismo. La ASEAN vincula los derechos humanos a la integración regional a través de un compromiso constructivo y pone un mayor énfasis en las relaciones económicas. Dos existentes modelos diferentes de integración regional.

French La Communauté de développement d'Afrique australe (SADC en anglais), aussi bien que L'Association des nations de l'Asie du SudEst (ANASE) soutiennent respectivement les principes relatifs à l'intégration régionale et nationale, à la protection des droits de l'homme, à la participation de la société civile dans l'agenda publique, ainsi qu'à la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes des Etats. Toutefois, il arrive que ces objectifs deviennent mutuellement exclusifs au niveau régional. Les organisations de défense des droits de l'homme et les gouvernements occidentaux n'ont jamais cessé de critiquer les violations des droits de l'homme, ainsi que les lacunes en matière de démocratie et de gouvernance qui prévalent dans les pays membre de l'ANASE (ex : le Viet Nam, Myanmar) et ceux de la SADC (ex : le Swaziland, Madagascar et le Zimbabwe). Cet article aborde le contexte historique dans lequel l'ANASE et la SADC ont vu le jour ainsi que la nature des enjeux qui l'ont suivi. Il évalue également d'un point de vue comparé, l'efficacité de ces organisations régionales sur la base des objectifs qu'ils se sont fixés, tout en penchant pour la conclusion selon laquelle la présence d'une force régionale influente impacte nécessairement dans la gestion des conflits, et combien la critique externe participe à la construction d'une plus grande cohésion sociale et régionale au sein des États. La SADC s'appuie un “modèle de conformité régionale» fondé sur des critères politiques, tandis que l'ANASE fait appel à un “engagement constructif“ ayant pour modèle “l'intégration économique“. La SADC accorde davantage plus d'importance à la mise en œuvre d'une bonne gouvernance, particulièrement en ce qui concerne les droits de l'homme et l'évolution vers un régionalisme plus avancé. L'ANASE sublime les droits de l'homme à l'intégration régionale par le biais d'un engagement constructif et de grandes insistances dans les relations économiques. Ce qui fait d'eux deux modèles d'intégration régionale distincts.