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Western Judeo-Spanish (Hakitía)

Tracing Speech Through Narrative

Isaac Benabu

The oral transmission of culture became the subject of serious academic study at the end of the nineteenth century, and since then we have come to recognize its pivotal role in any consideration of cultural dynamics. If we take the case of Judeo-Spanish culture, research has shown that the assimilatory forces of the dominant or co-territorial culture in which the Jews settled after the Expulsion, in both the Eastern and the Western Mediterranean, threatened to obliterate their cultural heritage, and in particular their language. Added to this, the displacement of the traditional speech communities during and shortly after the Second World War at both ends of the Mediterranean, as well as contact with the new cultures in which these Jews settled, seemed to augur badly for the survival of Judeo-Spanish culture. Furthermore Judeo Spanish has all but lost its currency as a spoken language, in the home and in the street, because the language is no longer transmitted to succeeding generations in the traditional fashion. Nevertheless an ever-increasing number of people are taking to the pen to write in the language and about its culture. This article also proves that defining features of the language have survived in spite of the impact of Modern Spanish in the areas in which Western Judeo-Spanish (hakitía) held currency traditionally.

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Rachel Werczberger and Boaz Huss

On 17 June 2014, in the heart of the Etzion Bloc (Gush Etzion) in the West Bank, the site of the abduction of three Israeli teens by Palestinian terrorists the week before, an unusual event took place. Several Jewish-Israeli and Palestinian peace activists, a few rabbis, and a Muslim Sufi sheikh gathered in order to pray for the safe return of the kidnapped youths. The group prayed both in Hebrew and Arabic, reciting psalms and Quran-based Muslim prayers. “Our hearts are torn at this moment, and my heart goes out the mothers of these children,” said Sheikh Ibrahim Abu Al-Hawa, before reciting the first chapter of the Quran, the Fatiha. He continued, “There is a wall between our two nations, and we hope to remove the wall separating the hearts of humans” (Miller 2014). He concluded his speech by proclaiming “God is One” in Arabic and Hebrew, followed by the young Rabbi Yossi Froman (son of the late Rabbi Menachem Froman), who stood beside him.

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Aris Accornero and Eliana Como

On Friday, 17 August 2001, right in the middle of the summer break,

while awaiting the first provisions of the newly established second

Berlusconi government, the issue of dismissals hit the headlines once

again. During his speech at the San Domenico Abbey in Sora, Antonio

Fazio, governor of the Bank of Italy, called for “greater freedom for

companies to dismiss their employees.” This request was immediately

met by positive reactions among entrepreneurs and negative ones

among unions. According to the Confederation of Italian Industry

(Confindustria), there was a need to “focus attention on the problem

of competitiveness and, as a consequence, on job flexibility.” Presenting

an opposing view, Savino Pezzotta, secretary general of the CISL

union confederation, said: “The problem is not one of laying people

off, but of taking them on.” Luigi Angeletti, general secretary of the

UIL union confederation, labeled as “false” the argument that in Italy

it is difficult to fire people. Finally, Gian Paolo Patta, secretary of the

CGIL union confederation, said: “Fazio now sounds like Berlusconi

and panders to Confindustria.” Pandering to the industrialists’ needs

was something that the CGIL had been accusing the government of

since the convention held in Parma in April 2001, when Silvio Berlusconi

pointed out the similarity between his electoral program and the

one presented by the entrepreneurs.

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Robert A. Nye

We might begin with a few comparative remarks about sex and politics in France and the US. Americans were treated in 1998 to a deliciously painful set of events that precipitated a full-scale constitutional crisis in the US and some rethinking of the relations of the public and private spheres. Despite what seemed to many French observers as a more or less unproblematic White House sex scandal, it was denied by American commentators left and right that Monicagate had anything at all to do with sex. It’s not about sex, said Clinton’s Republican accusers, it’s about lying under oath and the rule of law. It’s not about sex, said his Democrat defenders, it’s about his political enemies seizing any opportunity they can to undo two consecutive elections. Nor was the affair about sex for the principal actors: for Kenneth Starr, presidential sex was just a convenient way to set a legal trap for a slippery guy he couldn’t nail any other way; for Linda Tripp, it was the royal road to personal revenge; for Monica Lewinsky it was a chance to consort with a powerful man. It wasn’t even sex, as we have heard many times, for Bill Clinton himself, but something that never rose to the level of what New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd called “lying-down adult sex.” Even Hustler publisher and cinema free-speech hero Larry Flynt, whom no one would accuse of being dismissive of sexuality, treated sex in this whole matter as an opportunity to expose the hypocrisy of his political enemies.

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The Death Throes of Sacrificed Chicken

Triggering Critical Reflexive Stances on Ritual Action in Togo

Marie Daugey

considered necessary. In this case, ritual critical reflexivity works as a way of reasserting the rule of the rite rather than as a corrective device. It goes hand in hand with a conception of ritual effectiveness in which some choices of speech relating to

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Assessing Ritual Experience in Contemporary Spiritualities

The Practice of’sharing’ in a New Age Variant of Umbanda

Viola Teisenhoffer

interactional patterns that’sharing’ implies in this case, I wish to shed a better light on this speech event and to demonstrate that it appears, in fact, as an institutionalized form of evaluation of ritual performance, or as a form of ritual reflexivity, that

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Jens Kreinath and Refika Sariönder

latecomers interrupted his speech. Mehmet Dede stopped and permitted four women and a man to come forward to the meydan to get their lokma blessed. Because they had not taken the proper ritual posture, Mehmet Dede expected the women to seal their feet

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Khaled Furani

-understanding ( Lebner 2015: 67 ), 7 requires that we inquire into the discipline’s relation to what its self-evident secularity placed outside the grammar, as it were, of its respectable speech, namely, theology. Over a decade ago, Joel Robbins (2006) noted an

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Assessing and Adapting Rituals That Reproduce a Collectivity

The Large-Scale Rituals of the Repkong Tantrists in Tibet

Nicolas Sihlé

protector deities propitiation rite ( kangwa [bskang ba]). The second day is mainly devoted to a full reading of the zhitro ritual texts. At noon on this day and on the following one, each of the two disciplinarians also delivers an ‘assembly speech

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Doing Ritual While Thinking about It?

Emma Gobin

admonishments and at times moralizing speech from religious leaders. Echoing Handelman’s seminal statements on the reflexivity of public events and Kapferer’s on the notion of ‘dynamics’, Kreinath and Sarıönder show how ritual acts as a reflexive tool, thereby