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Anne Sa’adah, Germany’s Second Chance: Trust, Justice, and Democratization

Review by Laurence McFalls

Karl-Rudolf Korte, Deutschlandpolitik in Helmut Kohls Kanzlerschaft: Regierungsstil und

Entscheidungen 1982-1989. Geschichte der deutschen Einheit, Band 1

Werner Weidenfeld, Aussenpolitk für die Deutsche Einheit. Geschichte der deutschen Einheit, Band 4

Review by Clay Clemens

William A. Barbieri Jr., Ethics of Citizenship: Immigration and Group Rights in Germany

Review by John Brady

Anton Pelinka, Austria: Out of the Shadow of the Past

Review by Erik Willenz

Ruth-Ellen Boetcher Joeres, Respectability and Deviance: Nineteenth-Century German Women Writers and the Ambiguity of Representation

Review by Kristin McGuire

Gerd Gemünden, Framed Visions: Popular Culture, Americanization, and the Contemporary German and Austrian Imagination

Review by Johannes von Moltke

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Whitney Walton The Virtuous Marketplace: Women and Men, Money and Politics in Paris, 1830-1870 by Victoria E. Thompson

Catherine Bertho Lavenir Marketing Michelin: Advertising and Cultural Identity in Twentieth-Century France by Stephen L. Harp

Robert O. Paxton France: The Dark Years, 1940-44 by Julian Jackson

Marianne in Chains by Robert Gildea

Gérard Grunberg François Mitterrand: The Last French President by Ronald Tiersky

Martin A. Schain The Dignity of Working Men by Michèle Lamont

Public Attitudes Toward Immigration in the United States, France and Germany by Joel S. Fetzer

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Jennifer J. Popiel The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789-1830 by Jennifer Ngaire Heuer

Caroline Ford Curing the Colonizers: Hydrotherapy, Climatology, and French Colonial Spas by Eric T. Jennings

Alain Chatriot Une fiscalité pour la croissance: La Direction Générale des Impôts et la politique fiscale en France de 1948 à la fin des années 1960 by Frédéric Tristram

Daniel DiSalvo L’Extrême Gauche plurielle: Entre démocratie radicale et révolution by Philippe Raynaud

Jack Murphy Liberté, égalité, carte d’identité: Les jeunes issus de l’immigration et l’appartenance nationale by Évelyne Ribert

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R. Tina Catania

English abstract: In studies of immigration, generation is typically considered a static categorical system. I argue, however, that generation is a fluid construct and must be understood as place-based. Drawing on fieldwork conducted among Latino/as along the Texas–Mexico border, I seek to explore what current framings of generation leave out. Many in Laredo, Texas, see this border as allowing or preventing movement; these perceptions impact the constructions of generational categories. Cross-border travel, conceptualizations of place and immigration, and mixed-generational unions shape immigrant experiences, and in turn, affect concepts of generation. I conclude by offering ideas and inviting discussion on how the concept of generation can be re-worked to move beyond blunt categories and be re-conceptualized from the perspective of immigrants.

Spanish abstract: Usualmente los estudios sobre inmigración consideran la generación cómo un sistema categórico estático. Este artículo argumenta que es una construcción fluida que debe ser comprendida como una iniciativa local. Mediante un trabajo de campo realizado a latinos/as en la frontera entre Texas y México, el artículo explora qué corrientes actuales de generaciones están excluidas. Muchos en Laredo (Texas) ven esa frontera como un factor que permite o impide los desplazamientos, percepciones que influyen en las construcciones de categorías generacionales. Los viajes transfronterizos, las conceptualizaciones del lugar y de la inmigración y las uniones generacionales mixtas, dibujan las experiencias de los inmigrantes, lo que a su vez, influye en los conceptos de las generaciones. El autor concluye abriendo un espacio de discusión sobre la manera de cómo se debe de re-trabajar el concepto de generación para sobrepasar las categorías terminantes y para ser re-conceptualizadas desde la perspectiva de los inmigrantes.

French abstract: Dans les études portant sur l'immigration, la génération est généralement considérée comme un système rigide statique. Cependant, nous soutenons que la génération est une construction fluide et doit être comprise comme une initiative locale. Partant d'un travail de terrain réalisé auprès des Latino / le long de la frontière entre le Texas et le Mexique, je cherche à explorer les courants qui traversent ce e génération lésée. Beaucoup à Laredo, au Texas voient ce e frontière comme un facteur favorisant ou empêchant les déplacements; ces perceptions influent sur la construction des catégories générationnelles. La migration transfrontalière, les conceptualisations de l'espace et de l'immigration, et les mariages générationnels mixtes façonnent les expériences vécues par les migrants, qui à leur tour, influent sur les concepts de génération. Nous concluons en proposant des idées et invitant à la discussion sur la façon dont le concept de génération peut être retravaillé pour s'étendre au-delà des catégories franches et être re-conceptualisé du point de vue des immigrés.

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David N. Coury

Since its founding in 2014, Pegida has positioned itself as a populist movement striving to limit immigration and to preserve Germany’s cultural heritage. It has also aligned itself with other right-wing European political groups whose exclusionary views are rooted in theories of a civilizational clash between the West and the Islamic world. Pegida’s pushback against immigration also includes appeals to resist globalization and the growth of multiculturalism by embracing what Verena Stolcke has termed “cultural fundamentalism.” This ideology assumes cultural hierarchies and segregates religious and ethnic groups spatially and geographical as a means to maintain cultural uniformity. In doing so, Pegida posits that it is not racist or xenophobic, rather that it seeks solidarity in maintaining Western cultural values. The danger in Pegida’s ideology is that it rejects not only constitutional principles and notions of cultural pluralism, but that it furthers a cultural divide that need not exist and, in fact, embraces an exclusionary nationalism that is not unlike the values that they purport to reject.

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Managing paper trails after Windrush

Migration, documents and bureaucracy

Anna Tuckett

Stories of those who were victims of the Windrush scandal are characterised by tales of long-lost documents and urgent quests to procure paperwork – maternity certificates, payslips, dental records, school reports – that would attest to a lifetime spent in the United Kingdom. The so-called Windrush generation came to need this paperwork because, although unbeknown to most, the 1971 Immigration Act demanded that from 1973, all migrants must document their ‘legal’ presence in the UK. It was, however, only from 2014 – because of changes in legislation – that now retirement-age Commonwealth citizens, most of whom had migrated to the United Kingdom as children, found themselves facing deportation back to countries that many had not visited for decades (for a historical account of the legislation and politics that led to the Windrush scandal, see Olusoga 2019). The 2014 Immigration Act deleted a key clause of the 1999 legislation that had provided long-standing Commonwealth residents with protection from enforced removal (Taylor 2018). Some of those affected by this updated legislation report that they believed themselves to be legitimate citizens of the British state and therefore did not need to prove their right to be resident through such documentation (for case studies, see Gentleman 2019). In this case, as well as in common-sense thought more generally, documents and paperwork are understood to hold the ‘truth’. Uncover it and their holder’s rightful status will be triumphantly revealed. As such, documents are imagined to act as unambiguous mechanisms of inclusion, their absence therefore denoting the exact opposite.

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Spells of belonging

A response to Anna Tuckett

Susannah Crockford

Anna Tuckett’s piece on the paper trails left, created and curated by migrant streams crossing Europe raises questions on how social personhood is legally affirmed or undermined by legal paperwork. As is now a well aired fact, those UK citizens affected by the ‘hostile environment’ instituted by the British Home Office (HO) from 2012 onwards were disproportionately black and descended from former Caribbean colonies (Olusoga 2019). I consider my experience relating to immigration practices and assumptions to indicate aspects of this environment in the making. In 2004, I spent six months working for the civil service in the UK as a blandly labelled ‘presenting officer’. A presenting officer presented the Home Secretary’s case for refusing immigration and asylum claims that the applicant had appealed. In such cases, it was common strategy to draw attention to the lack of consistency, in terms of both narrative and between a person and their papers. Narrative consistency was required: the same story had to be told to the case officer on presenting a claim and in the courtroom to the adjudicator and in any and every opportunity to retell the tale the applicant had. Any inconsistency was taken as evidence of deceit. A person had to be able to document their birth, entries and exits to the UK, schooling, workplaces, income and family relationships. The requirements of consistency reified relationships that had documentary existence over those that did not. Lack of documents undermined a person’s ability to make their case.

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Extraterritorial migration control in Malaysia

Militarized, externalized, and regionalized

Choo Chin Low

English abstract: This article examines how migration control in Malaysia has been transformed in response to non-traditional security threats. Since the 2010s, the state has expanded the territorial reach of its immigration enforcement through trilateral border patrol initiatives and multilateral defense establishments. Malaysia’s extraterritorial policy is mostly implemented through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) frameworks. Common geopolitical security concerns, particularly the transnational crime and terrorism confronted by Malaysia and its bordering countries, have led to extraterritorial control measures to secure its external borders. Key elements include the growing involvement of the army, the institutionalization of border externalization, and the strengthening of the ASEAN’s regional immigration cooperation. By analyzing the ASEAN’s intergovernmental collaboration, this article demonstrates that Malaysia’s extraterritorial migration practices are militarized, externalized, and regionalized.

Spanish abstract: Este artículo examina la transformación del control migratorio en Malasia en respuesta a las amenazas de seguridad no tradicionales. Desde 2010, el estado aumentó el alcance territorial de su control migratorio a través de patrullas fronterizas trilaterales y establecimiento de defensa multilateral. La política extraterritorial de Malasia tiene como marco principal la Asociación de Naciones del Sureste Asiático (ASEAN en inglés). Las preocupaciones de seguridad geopolítica comunes, particularmente los delitos y el terrorismo transnacional, provocaron medidas de control extraterritorial para asegurar sus fronteras externas. Los elementos clave son la creciente implicación del ejército, la institucionalización de la externalización de fronteras y el fortalecimiento de la cooperación regional en inmigración de ASEAN. Este artículo demuestra que las prácticas migratorias extraterritoriales de Malasia están militarizadas, externalizadas y regionalizadas.

French abstract: L’article analyse les changements apportés aux services de con trôle de la migration en Malaisie. Depuis 2010, l’État a étendu son champ d’action et mis en place des initiatives de patrouilles frontalières trilatérales, de défense multilatérale et une police extraterritoriale déployée sous l’impulsion de l’Association des nations de l’Asie du Sud-Est (ANASE). Les problèmes de sécurité géopolitique, comme la criminalité transnationale et le terrorisme qui sévissent en Malaisie et dans les pays voisins, ont donné lieu à des mesures extraterritoriales pour sécuriser les frontières extérieures. Parmi elles, figurent l’implication de l’armée, l’externalisation institutionnalisée du contrôle aux frontières et le renforcement de la coopération de l’ANASE en matière d’immigration. Par l’analyse de cette coopération intergouvernementale, cet article démontre que la politique migratoire malaisienne est régie par la militarisation, l’externalisation et la régionalisation.

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Catherine Plum, Klaus Berghahn, Gregory Smulewicz-Zucker, David Freis, Matthew Eckel and Malte Pehl

Mike Dennis and Norman LaPorte, State and Minorities in Communist East Germany (Berghahn: New York, 2013) Reviewed by Catherine Plum

Florian Illies, 1913. Der Sommer des Jahrhunderts (Fischer: Frankfurt/Main, 2012) Reviewed by Klaus Berghahn

Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings, Walter Benjamin: A Critical Life (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014) Reviewed by Gregory Smulewicz-Zucker

Helmut Schmitz and Annette Seidel-Arpacı, ed., Narratives of Trauma: Discourses of German Wartime Suffering in National and International Perspective (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2011) Reviewed by David Freis

Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos, Becoming Multicultural: Immigration and the Politics of Membership in Canada and Germany (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2012) Reviewed by Matthew Eckel

Frank Trommler. Kulturmacht ohne Kompass – Deutsche auswärtige Kulturbeziehungen im 20. Jahrhundert (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2014). Reviewed by Malte Pehl

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Farid Hafez

This article explains the failure of Pegida Austria as a social movement organization by testing three prominent theories of social movement theory: political opportunity structures, ideology, and resource mobilization. The failure of Pegida to play a role in Austrian politics is ascribed to the dominant role the Freedom Party (FPÖ) already plays in the Austrian parliament, the FPÖ’s issue dominance on anti-immigration and Islamophobia in public discourse, and the relative scarcity of individuals capable of mass mobilization outside the spectrum of political parties. The analysis is based on a crucial-case study that does a comparative content analysis of the FPÖ and Pegida platforms to assess the ideology argument. The political opportunity and human resource arguments are analyzed with process tracing. The findings reveal that all three theories jointly help to explain the failure of Pegida Austria.