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"Our Future Is Already in Jeopardy"

Duress and the Palimpsest of Violence of Two CAR Student Refugees in the DRC

Maria Catherina Wilson Janssens

three individuals conversing in Sango, the national language of the Central African Republic (CAR). I decided to approach and greet them in the little Sango I knew, to break the ice. Euloge, one of the three individuals, was wearing a crisp shirt and an

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“Eyes, Ears, and Wheels”

Policing Partnerships in Nairobi, Kenya

Francesco Colona and Tessa Diphoorn

non-state policing in Africa have proliferated, including the works of Bruce Baker (2008 , 2010 ), Lars Buur (2006) , Tessa Diphoorn (2016b) , Steffen Jensen (2008a) , Helene Kyed (2009) , and David Pratten (2008) , to name but a few. One of the

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Bonee and Fitina

Mbororo Nomads Facing and Adapting to Conflict in Central Africa

Adamou Amadou

The Mbororo in this study, who are part of the larger Fulani/Fulɓe/Peul ethnic group, migrated to the Central African Republic (CAR) from Chad and Cameroon in the 1960s and 1970s. Since the 2000s, nomads in the CAR have been facing serious conflict

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Introduction

Understanding Experiences and Decisions in Situations of Enduring Hardship in Africa

Mirjam de Bruijn and Jonna Both

internalization (i.e., realities of duress). The articles in this section are all based on ethnographic and biographical studies situated in specific parts of Central and West Africa, where the conditions of life exemplify the notion of duress as we propose it

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Mirjam de Bruijn

Mampilly’s monograph Africa Uprising (2015) defined the third period of political movements in Africa, this one embedded in a digital environment. 2 Linda Herrera (2012) , Akin Iwilade (2013) , Ariadne Vromen and colleagues (2015) , and Yannis

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The Death Throes of Sacrificed Chicken

Triggering Critical Reflexive Stances on Ritual Action in Togo

Marie Daugey

This article aims to shed light on a divination episode, which most blood sacrifices begin with in many West African societies, by examining how this ritual practice is carried out among the Kabye of northern Togo and by analyzing it in relation to

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Liberation Autochthony

Namibian Veteran Politics and African Citizenship Claims

Lalli Metsola

Th is article examines Namibian ex-combatant and veteran politics in the context of African claims and struggles over citizenship. Namibian veteran politics has unfolded as long-term negotiation between claimants and political authorities over recognition, realization of citizenship, and legitimacy. This process has operated through repeated claims and responses, material techniques such as employment and compensation, and changing delimitations of the categories of ex-combatant and veteran. Compared with citizenship struggles elsewhere in Africa, particularly the much-discussed surge of autochthony and ethnonationalism, this article discusses how the institutional environment and the particular histories of those involved have influenced modes of claim-making and logics of inclusion and exclusion. It finds that the citizenship politics of Namibian veterans are not based on explicit “cultural” markers of difference but still do construct significant differentiation through a scale of patriotism based on precedence in “liberation.”

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Paula Montero

When compared to the extensive historiography on missionary activity, the anthropology of missions is a relative newcomer, emerging as such in the context of the recent critique of the colonial system. In view of the importance of historiographical literature in outlining the subject, on the one hand, and of the impact of the decolonization of the African continent on anthropology, on the other hand, my purposes in this essay are, firstly, to examine how the historiography of colonial America and of African colonialism has handled the subject of missions; secondly, to describe the role of missionary activity in the historiographical debate in the context of the crisis of colonialism; and, lastly, to analyze how post-colonial critique has given rise to a new anthropology of missions.

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Portrait

Jean Comaroff

Jean Comaroff, Peter Geschiere, Kamari M. Clarke and Adeline Masquelier

Colonial frontiers, we have long been told, put conventional categories at risk. I grew up on one such frontier, itself an anachronism in the late-twentieth-century world—apartheid South Africa, where many of the key terms of liberal modernity were scandalously, publically violated. Religion was one of them. Some have argued that the act of separating the sacred from the secular is the founding gesture of liberal modern state making (Asad 2003: 13). In this, South Africa was a flagrant exception. There, the line between faith and politics was always overtly contested, always palpably porous. Faith-based arguments were central to politics at its most pragmatic, to competing claims of sovereignty and citizenship, to debates about the nature of civilization or the content of school curricula. As a settler colony, South Africa had long experimented with ways to ‘modernize racial domination’ (Adam 1971) in the interests of capitalist production, frequently with appeals to theology. After 1948, in contrast with the spirit of a decolonizing world, the country fell under the sway of Afrikaner rulers of overtly Calvinist bent. They set about formalizing a racial division of labor that ensured that black populations, the Children of Ham, remained economically subservient and politically marginal.

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An Author Meets Her Critics

Around "Political Spiritualities: The Pentecostal Revolution in Nigeria" by Ruth Marshall

Ruth Marshall, J.D.Y. Peel, Daniel Jordan Smith, Joel Robbins and Jean-François Bayart

In the now very rapidly growing literature on Pentecostalism in Africa, Ruth Marshall’s book occupies a special place. In disciplinary terms, most of that literature falls under religious studies or history. The anthropologists came later, particularly those from North America, who had to get over their distaste for a religion that seemed so saturated in the idioms of the US Bible Belt. The originality of Marshall’s book is grounded in its linkage of questions derived from political theory with rich data collected through intensive and sustained fieldwork. But she insists it is not “an ethnography of the movement” (p. 5), so what exactly is it?