This article examines the relation between secularities, technologies of the self, and citizenship through an ethnography of Islamic education in Portugal. For the Islamic Community of Lisbon, the main institutional representative of Islam in Portugal, religious education is about the formation of religious subjects and the creation of embodied dispositions in relation to Islam. But it is also about being able to explain to others, Muslims and non-Muslims alike, what Islam is. This project for Islamic education has to be understood, I will argue, in the context of the production of a public Islam, secularized and liberal, that is tied to claims to citizenship made in Portuguese society for more than 60 years. While these discursive formations are partly a way to counteract stigma, it is also essential to understand them within the creation of a post-confessional Portuguese society. For members of the Islamic Community of Lisbon, supporting a project of secularization of the public sphere in such a historical context is a way to affirm their belonging.
Islamic Education, Secularities, and the Portuguese Muslim
Jean Comaroff, Peter Geschiere, Kamari M. Clarke and Adeline Masquelier
Colonial frontiers, we have long been told, put conventional categories at risk. I grew up on one such frontier, itself an anachronism in the late-twentieth-century world—apartheid South Africa, where many of the key terms of liberal modernity were scandalously, publically violated. Religion was one of them. Some have argued that the act of separating the sacred from the secular is the founding gesture of liberal modern state making (Asad 2003: 13). In this, South Africa was a flagrant exception. There, the line between faith and politics was always overtly contested, always palpably porous. Faith-based arguments were central to politics at its most pragmatic, to competing claims of sovereignty and citizenship, to debates about the nature of civilization or the content of school curricula. As a settler colony, South Africa had long experimented with ways to ‘modernize racial domination’ (Adam 1971) in the interests of capitalist production, frequently with appeals to theology. After 1948, in contrast with the spirit of a decolonizing world, the country fell under the sway of Afrikaner rulers of overtly Calvinist bent. They set about formalizing a racial division of labor that ensured that black populations, the Children of Ham, remained economically subservient and politically marginal.
Keith Egan, Mathias Thaler, Anna Fedele, Maarit Forde, Tuomas Martikainen, Kim Knibbe, Maria M. Griera, Katerina Seraidari, José Mapril, Roger Canals, Diana Espirito Santo, Titus Hjelm, Vlad Naumescu, Vânia Zikán Cardoso, Mathieu Fribault, Rebecca Prentice, Ryan Schram, Jacqueline Ryle, Alexandre Surrallés, James S. Bielo, César Ceriani Cernadas and Maïté Maskens
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Identity, Law, and Gender in the Anthropology of Contemporary Buddhism
Buddhism (ibid.). This discourse of race and belonging remains evident in the citizenship laws of 1982 that are still in force and that require minorities to document property ownership and residency for three generations. For many Burmese, the fact that
Kim Knibbe, Brenda Bartelink, Jelle Wiering, Karin B. Neutel, Marian Burchardt and Joan Wallach Scott
rights, citizenship—are all equated with secularism. In other words, secularism is conflated with particular arrangements of power. This calls forth a host of problems. Secularism becomes an undifferentiated whole that organizes the way an
Stacy M. K. George
exclusively religious components. Rather, civil religion is capable of identifying institutionalized elements of the sacred that become instruments of social cohesion, granting moral significance to those individuals joined by the bond of citizenship. The Tea
Steven Brooke, Dafne Accoroni, Olga Ulturgasheva, Anastasios Panagiotopoulos, Eugenia Roussou, Francesco Vacchiano, Jeffrey D. Howison, Susan Greenwood, Yvonne Daniel, Joana Bahia, Gloria Goodwin Raheja, Charles Lincoln Vaughan, Katrien Pype and Linda van de Kamp
and emotional well-being. Interestingly, practicing believers also have a higher propensity to acquire citizenship (in the US) and to vote in national elections (in Europe). It thus seems that, to a certain extent, faith can work as a bridging tool to
Jack Hunter, Annelin Eriksen, Jon Mitchell, Mattijs van de Port, Magnus Course, Nicolás Panotto, Ruth Barcan, David M. R. Orr, Girish Daswani, Piergiorgio Di Giminiani, Pirjo Kristiina Virtanen, Sofía Ugarte, Ryan J. Cook, Bettina E. Schmidt and Mylene Mizrahi
Bahamas? How does the Kretyen behavior help migrants reflect upon new forms of Haitian citizenship and nationalism? Bertin M. Louis, Jr., seeks to answer these questions in his ethnography of Haitian Protestant migrants in the Bahamas. His monograph is
Ressentiment and Christian Nationalism in the Anthropology of Christianity
topic particularly well developed. Kevin O’Neill (2010) has addressed how Pentecostal religion is used to create a sense of religious citizenship. Similarly, in her discussion of Zambia’s declaration of itself as a Christian nation, Naomi Haynes (2015
Ayse Serap Avanoglu, Diana Riboli, Juan Javier Rivera Andía, Annalisa Butticci, Iain R. Edgar, Matan Shapiro, Brooke Schedneck, Mark Sedgwick, Suzane de Alencar Vieira, Nell Haynes, Sara Farhan, Fabián Bravo Vega, Marie Meudec, Nuno Domingos, Heidi Härkönen, Sergio González Varela and Nathanael Homewood
.” In Religion in Diaspora: Cultures of Citizenship , ed. Janet Garnett and Sondra L. Hausner , 226 – 242 . New York : Palgrave Macmillan . CASSANITI, Julia, Living Buddhism: Mind, Self, and Emotion in a Thai Community , 232 pp