The Spanish Civil War stirred an array of humanitarian relief campaigns in France that placed women in the front lines of popular mobilization. As communists, socialists, liberals, antifascists, feminists and pacifists, French women invoked the iconography and language of sexual difference to construct pro-Republican aid appeals as an expression of gendered social concern above party politics. Through exploring the female leaderships, organization, and popular participation in different relief campaigns, this article emphasizes the extent to which Spanish aid efforts were dominated by tensions within the Front Populaire.
Humanitarian Aid, French Women, and Popular Mobilization during the Front Populaire
Between the world wars, France attracted more immigrants per capita than any other country in the world. Roughly 3 million had settled in the Hexagon by 1931, seven percent of the total population according to official statistics. They came primarily from Italy, Poland, and Spain, but also Russia, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Rumania, political refugees and workers alike. France also welcomed a greater non-European minority than any other country on the continent. Well over a hundred thousand arrived, almost exclusively from North Africa, especially Algeria.1 The level of immigration rose so high so fast that many commentators began to worry about the threat of increased crime and miscegenation. Some even feared for the survival of French culture.
Unlike Anglo-Saxon countries, France, along with other Mediterranean democracies (Italy, Spain)1 has waited until the end of the twentieth century to publicly identify the various forms “public misconduct” can take2 and to begin to address them politically. Two convictions mark a breach in the national tradition of impunity for public corruption: that of the treasurer of the Socialist Party, deputy and former minister Henri Emmanuelli, in March 1996 for concealment of trading on his influence (earning him an18-month suspended jail sentence and, more notably, two years of attainder and political ineligibility); and that of the mayor of Grenoble, RPR deputy and minister Alain Carignon, in July 1996 for corruption (earning him four years imprisonment).
Explaining the Timing of the French Socialist Party's Gender-Based Quota
Katherine A.R. Opello
One characteristic of French political life is the small number of women holding national elective office. From 1944, when women received the vote, until the 2002 legislative elections, the percentage of female members in France’s lower house, the National Assembly, ranged from a low of 1.5 percent in 1958 to a high of 12.9 percent in 2002. Data reveal that the lowest percentage of women in the Senate, France’s upper house, was 1.4 percent in 1975 while the highest percentage was 16.9 percent in 2004. This absence of women from the highest reaches of politics is particularly striking when France is compared to other member states of the European Union. For example, currently women possess approximately 45 percent of legislative seats in Sweden, 32 percent in Germany, 28 percent in Spain and 18 percent in the United Kingdom. 1 In fact, France is often referred to as la lanterne rouge de l’Europe (Europe’s caboose) because the only other country with so few female parliamentarians is Greece.
Some Comparisons on his Vichy Years with My Family Story
enveloped my family in important events, which I studied with Stanley Hoffmann—the Popular Front and the Spanish Civil War. The Communists had been hostile to the Socialists in Weimar, calling them “social fascists” and refusing to cooperate in stopping the
, Spanish, and Haketiah.” 51 While all of these individuals acknowledged the great advantage that the French language had played in opening up doors to them and, very often, their parents’ generation, French language acquisition had been first and foremost
competitiveness seems to be declining. Many analysts see the French economy as headed in the wrong direction because it is neither competitive on costs, nor on quality. To compete with other European countries, such as Spain, on costs would require reducing the
Southern Wine Producers Respond to Competition from the Algerian Wine Industry in the Early Third Republic
, which lowered the tariffs on French wines in England and Spain. 15 This love affair with the global market soured in the mid-1860s, when French vines began dying mysteriously. Scientists eventually identified the problem as a small aphid-like insect
Sartrean Ethics in History, 1938–1948 – From Kantian Universalism to Derision
Translator : Ârash Aminian Tabrizi
argument borrowed from the controversy between Kant and Benjamin Constant on lying. 43 Prisoner of the Falangists – the story is set during the Spanish Civil War – anarchist Pablo Ibbieta undergoes questioning and is enjoined to hand over his accomplice
Political Mimesis at French University Counter-Summits, 2010–2011
the Université de Lille-2, explained to the interviewer that French university reforms were hardly unique in Europe; that similar managerial policies had been seen in Spain, Italy, Finland, Denmark, Germany, the UK, and Greece; and that these policies