countries were living under the Nazi yoke, and Brussels 2017 were Berlin 1942. For all of the EU’s vaunted achievement in spreading democratic values to Eastern Europe, leaders in Poland and Hungary seem intent upon imposing conformist if not authoritarian
Misplacing the Dilemmas of the European Union--In Memory of Stanley Hoffmann
Charles S. Maier
Most studies of the social and political upheavals of the Second Republic treat violence as the main way people resisted the military coup and repression of 1851 and view political dissent through the lens of class. But the suppression of unorthodox political voices in the academy brings another form of resistance to light. Close personal networks and the organizational culture of the French academy distinguished the universitaires' animosity toward Louis Napoleon. To map the patterns of teachers' dissent, I use the proceedings of the Carnot Commission, an organ created by the emergency government of 1870 to gather information about the universitaires who had suffered political persecution around the time of the 1851 coup and offer them restitution. The Commission's work reveals a pattern of personal connections and distaste for authoritarianism that reflected the republican consensus as it emerged in the 1870s.
Conventional wisdom holds that the political evolution of an individual passes from youthful radicalism to the conservatism of later years. In this respect, as in many others, Sartre declined to follow the norm. As a young man, despite his detestation of the bourgeoisie, his anti-militaristic sentiments, his anti-authoritarianism and unconventional lifestyle, Sartre remained aloof from politics, while it was towards the end of his life that his most radical commitment occurred, triggered in large part by the events of May-June 1968. This paper will establish that although Sartre supported the 1968 student movement, he remained essentially outside it and it made little immediate impact on his thinking or practice; it was only several months later that the ‘events’ made themselves felt to Sartre, leading him to question the definition of himself as intellectual which he had defended hitherto.
population. Karl Polanyi’s “double-movement” of backlash against global markets and against globalization’s rapid, radical disruption of social life seems once again at work producing authoritarian anti-liberal politics. 2 The economic and social
The 1979 Vincennes Conference on Neoliberalism
Michael C. Behrent
Moynihan, and Irving Kristol. Dommergues was, Cassen maintains, one of the first French intellectuals to address these issues. 10 Neoconservatism’s program, described by Dommergues as “soft fascism,” amounted to the establishment of an authoritarian order
John Gillespie, Kyle Shuttleworth, Nik Farrell Fox, and Mike Neary
more collective solutions for a positive non-authoritarian ethics. Whilst Remley must be congratulated for tackling Sartre's anarchism head-on and daring to use the much maligned a-word as the defining descriptor of his political vision, his
Thinking Differently Under Colonialism
the colonial period. In her own life, Colonna struggled with the creation of a monolithic and authoritarian post-independence Algerian regime built wholly on the legitimacy of having struggled against France, a regime incapable of tolerating people
Is Liberation without Freedom Possible?
and extreme visions in a climate of terror which benefits both terrorists (who may gain ground despite their numerical inferiority) and any authoritarian turns among Western governments. Indeed, if there are those who, on the one hand, confuse the
Critiquing Presence with Sartre and Derrida
undermines political authority. First, différance challenges authoritarian claims to truth by showing that that which is understood to be universal and ahistoric is, in fact, historical, altering, and contestable. Second, différance subverts the
Narrating the History of “Empire” in France, 1885–1900
colonialism less expensive, authoritarian, and militaristic. Deschamps’ contention that France’s colonial system had been remade by the Revolution and that its current problems stemmed from the fact that its administrators had not yet shaken the Bonapartist