As with many other genres of storytelling, fables are as much about the socialisation of political values as they are about the amusement of children. Although their timeless appearance presents their truths as absolute, the meanings of fables change as they are reinterpreted through time by particular ideologies. Thus we find that The Ant and the Grasshopper, a children’s favourite about the need for hard work and careful saving, has recently been commandeered by conservative adults who are searching for ever more coded ways of communicating in today’s anti-racist contexts. This story is attributed to Æsop, a mythical sixth century B.C. slave and storyteller (Adrados 1999). During the renaissance, Europe’s fascination with antiquity prompted renewed interest in Æsop’s fables as vehicles of commentary on the politics of the time (Hanazaki 1993-1994 & Patterson 1991). Their popularity accelerated with the industrial revolution since some of the fables, such as The Tortoise and the Hare and The Ant and the Grasshopper, were particularly suited to the socialisation of selfrestraint and a strong work ethic. The Ant and the Grasshopper tells the story of the ant that worked hard collecting food during summer, while the carefree grasshopper did not. During winter, the ant survived while the grasshopper starved. This story conveyed to children that the threat of lean times was ever present but that hard work would stave off starvation.
Rationalising Exclusion and Inequality in the Post-apartheid City
African Philosophy and Rights
Motsamai Molefe and Chris Allsobrook
A useful way to approach the discourse of rights in African philosophy is in terms of Kwasi Wiredu’s (1996) distinction between cultural particulars and universals. According to Wiredu, cultural particulars are contingent and context-dependent. They fail to hold in all circumstances and for everyone (Wiredu 2005). Cultural universals are transcultural or objective (Wiredu 2005). Examples of cultural particulars include dress styles, religious rituals, social etiquette and so on. One example of a cultural universal is the norm of truth. One may imagine a society with different methods of greeting, dress, and raising children, but one cannot imagine a robust society which rejects the norm of truth as the basis of social practices.
The Uneasy Case of Salvation Religions
William A. Edmundson
How can a tolerant, liberal political culture tolerate the presence of only conditionally tolerant illiberal sub-cultures while remaining true to its principles of tolerance? The problem falls within the intersection of two developments in the thinking of two of the leading anglophone philosophers of the last half-century, Bernard Williams and John Rawls. Rawls, particularly, struggled with the problem of how a liberal society might stably survive the clash of plural sub-cultures that a liberal society – unless it is oppressively coercive – must itself foster and allow to flourish. And he separately struggled with the problem of how liberal peoples might peacefully share the planet with illiberal, but “decent” peoples elsewhere. This article shows that Rawls’s two solutions do not easily mix, and argues that state-approved early education must do more than merely to inform children that losing their faith will not land them in jail.
A Basis For pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance
Africans from one another, on the other hand, as Ghanaian literature academic, Ayi Kwei Armah, (2006: 46 ) accurately observes, it sought to ‘socialize generations of African children in such a way that they would identify with European values, in the
Traces of Pan Africanism and African Nationalism in Africa Today
have the African Charter on Human and People’s rights, the Rights of Children and Against Abuse and the Robben Island Treaty against Torture and other agreements. We now have a dialogue on these topics and, even though we as a country are often in
origins: we are all God’s children and, therefore, should treat each other as siblings. A relationship between two people is fraternal if it serves to show, through collective action, that both belong to the same degree to a community or group; that is
ties and possessing unclear identity marks (children of interethnic marriages and, in Bosnia, nonethnically Bosnian Muslims) to take on a clearly perceptible identity and thereby engage in the ongoing polarization. Claims of exclusive possession of a
Jeffrey D. Hilmer and Max Halupka
existing institutionalised meanings, contents, and forms of participation rather than contributing to the empowerment of children and young people”. Walther thus suggests reversing the order of learn first and participate later, arguing that such an
The Impossibility Result
Elias L. Khalil
voters are exploiting non-voters. For instance, if parents feel that they have been discriminated against under a regime where the eligible age of voting, say, is twenty-one years old, they can change the law so that their children can vote say at age
Institutions, Education and Elite Formation
, available in Mitchell (1998) . Table 2 Number of Children in primary school as % of the total population (Source: Author’s calculations on Mitchell 1998 data) 1930 1950 Ghana 0.01892 0.07455 Sierra Leone 0.00848 0.01515 Nigeria 0.00971 0.03284 Average 0