Israeli middle class. Gradually, the new Ashkenazi immigrants joined the veterans, attaining their social status. Thus, a rigid ethnic and intergenerational dichotomy was formed. In this commonly accepted dichotomous frame of reference, Mapai’s government
A Socio-political Alliance with the Right
Avi Bareli and Uri Cohen
Brent E. Sasley
that can facilitate isolation in the ‘real world’. Another pattern, based on type of knowledge, is evident. In English-speaking countries, at least, most students who enroll in courses on Israel come to the class with little or no knowledge of the
Between the ‘Good Person’ and the ‘Bad Citizen’
result, the processes of integration between Ashkenazim and Mizrahim in Israel have only partially succeeded, as is evidenced by socio-economic data. This has had an impact on the basis of support for liberalism in Israel, with lower-class Mizrahim
Sderot and Sha’ar Hanegev
and his parents? What is the connection between that history and his rejection? Moreover, why does he want to move to a place that refuses to accept him and threaten an appeal to the Supreme Court? I argue that the tension is rooted in aspects of class
The Experiences of Mizrachi Middle-Class Adolescents in Israel
Guy Abutbul Selinger
In contrast to the view, expressed widely in public and in academic discourses, that ethnic categories are no longer significant in explaining Israeli social processes and that ethnic relations have become less hierarchical, this study demonstrates the continuing importance of ethnicity and hierarchical relations in Israeli society. Their importance is reflected in the social processes undergone by middle-class Mizrachi adolescents. Mizrachi families endow their adolescents with family capital—that is, social and cultural patterns—similar to that of middle-class Ashkenazi families. However, because these social and cultural patterns are identified as Ashkenazi, public discourses and practices signify for Mizrachi adolescents their ethnic identity and thus restore the blurred ethnic boundary. This signification is done through mechanisms of 'hybridization' and 'purification', as discussed in the article. These cultural mechanisms maintain the hierarchical relations between Mizrachi and Ashkenazi Jews within Israel's middle class.
An Israeli Case
The article investigates the symbolic construction of the Galilee as a rural place, as portrayed by the websites of leisure resorts seeking urban middle-class customers. The article argues that the Galilee is constructed as a symbolic, post-rural place by them, and that this process expresses a change in the construction of rural place and place in general as well as collective identity in Jewish Israeli society. Data was obtained from marketing websites of 50 leisure resorts in the Galilee. Findings indicate that the post-rural Galilee is composed mainly of four symbolic universes: rural style and atmosphere, agriculture and country gourmet, the experience of nature, and authenticity of place. This construction of rural place represents the voice of the urban middle class in the dynamics of place and collective identity in Jewish Israeli society.
Football and Society in Israel—a Story of Interdependence
Tamar Rapoport and Amir Ben Porat
Israel, where it has been played every weekend all over the country since before the establishment of the state. Football is not just a game that children and adults love to play and watch; it also involves individual, group, and collective identities, and local and national identification. Football reflects, and often accentuates, political and social conflicts that highlight ethno-national, class, political, and gender hierarchies and tensions in society. The game is largely dependent on the surrounding context(s) that determines its “relative autonomy,” which shapes its distinguished fandom culture(s) and practices (Rapoport 2016).
The Political Psychology of Israeli Prime Ministers: When Hard-Liners Opt for Peace by Yael S. Aronoff Joel Migdal
Paths to Middle-Class Mobility among Second-Generation Moroccan Immigrant Women in Israel by Beverly Mizrachi Shani Bar-On
Conscientious Objectors in Israel: Citizenship, Sacrifice, Trials of Fealty by Erica Weiss Ruth Linn and Renana Gal
Mo(ve)ments of Resistance: Politics, Economy and Society in Israel/Palestine 1931–2013 by Lev Luis Grinberg As'ad Ghanem
Arabs and Israelis: Conflict and Peacemaking in the Middle East by Abdel Monem Said Aly, Shai Feldman, and Khalil Shikaki Paul L. Scham
The Challenge of Ethnic Democracy: The State and Minority Groups in Israel, Poland and Northern Ireland by Yoav Peled Ian S. Lustick
Israeli Feminist Scholarship: Gender, Zionism, and Difference by Esther Fuchs (ed.) Pnina Peri
Efraim Inbar and Ian S. Lustick
A Debate between Efraim Inbar and Ian S. Lustick
Time is on Israel's Side Efraim Inbar
From a realpolitik perspective, the balance of power between Israel and its neighbors is the critical variable in the quest for survival in a bad neighborhood. If Israel’s position is improving over time and the power differential between the Jewish State and its foes is growing, then its capacity to overcome regional security challenges is assured. Moreover, under such circumstances there is less need to make concessions to weaker parties that are in no position to exact a high price from Israel for holding on to important security and national assets such as the Golan Heights, the settlement blocs close to the “Green Line,” the Jordan Rift, and particularly Jerusalem.
With a Bang or a Whimper, Time Is Running Out Ian S. Lustick
Israel’s existence in the Middle East is fundamentally precarious. Twentieth- century Zionism and Israeli statehood is but a brief moment in Jewish history. There is nothing more regular in Jewish history and myth than Jews “returning” to the Land of Israel to build a collective life—nothing more regular, that is, except, for Jews leaving the country and abandoning the project. Abraham came from Mesopotamia, then left for Egypt. Jacob left for Hauran, then returned, then left with his sons for Egypt. The Israelites subsequently left Egypt with Moses and Joshua, and “returned” to the Land. Upper class Jews who did not leave with the Assyrians left with Jeremiah for Babylon, then returned with Ezra and Nehemiah.
Resisting Liberalism in Israel—the Case of Marginalized Mizrahim
Nissim Mizrachi and Menachem Mautner
electorate. Meretz, the Jewish leftist-liberal party, obtained votes barely sufficient to allow it to remain in the Knesset. The votes won by the Labor Party failed to lift it out of its middling size or to spread it beyond the middle class. These results