'Tacit consent' has long interested historians of political thought and political philosophers, but its nuances nevertheless remain unappreciated. It has its roots in the Roman law concept of a 'tacit declaration of will'. Explicating this concept allows a new conception of tacit consent to be proposed, which I term the 'tacit declaration of consent'. The tacit declaration of consent avoids both the triviality of common sense views and a weakness in Hobbes' account. Unlike other contemporary philosophical accounts, it avoids fictions and meets the condition of intentionality. Furthermore, it also advances understanding of the sorts of claim offered by proponents of a tacit consent-based theory of political obligation, whilst facilitating a more radical critique. The tacit consent-based theory of political obligation is not simply limited in application, but indefensible. It unwarrantedly transposes onto tacit consent the potentially fictional character of declarations of will.
Carole Pateman in Conversation with Graham Smith
Carole Pateman and Graham Smith
Carole Pateman reflects on her fifty years of scholarship in conversation with Graham Smith. The discussion focuses particular attention on Pateman’s work on participatory democracy and considers her contributions to debates on political obligation, feminism, basic income, and deliberative democracy.
Maša Mrovlje and Jennet Kirkpatrick
Of late, resistance has become a central notion in political theory, standing at the heart of attempts to respond to the dilemmas of contemporary times. However, many accounts tend to ascribe to an idealised, heroic view. In this view, resistance represents a clearcut action against injustice and stems from individuals’ conscious choice and their unwavering ethical commitment to the cause. Some liberal scholars, most notably Candice Delmas and Jason Brennan, have argued that citizens of democratic societies have a moral duty to resist state-sanctioned injustice. This resistance occurs either through ‘principled – civil or uncivil – disobedience’ or through ‘defensive actions’ (Delmas 2018: 5; Brennan 2019: 15). While acknowledging that pervasive injustice can compromise our cognitive and moral capacities, however, their articulation of our political obligation to resist refrains from a sustained examination of the moral dilemmas, uncertainties and risks that arise when fighting systemic oppression (Delmas 2018: 198–222; Brennan 2019: 28–59, 210–14).
Welcome to the Postmodern Melancholy of Gordimer's Post-Apartheid World
Raymond Chandler used to say that whenever he got stuck writing a novel he would get going again by having a character come through the door with a gun in hand. Reading the opening pages of Nadine Gordimer’s new novel with its account of a sensational murder, one might wonder whether South Africa’s 1991 Nobel laureate, faced with the end of apartheid and the consequent lack of a subject, was operating according to Chandler’s principle. The House Gun, however, indicates not so much the lack of a subject as a new way of looking at an old subject facing new circumstances – the old subject being the psychological and material effects of white racism on whites, the new circumstances being those of post-apartheid South Africa. Moreover, the apparent narrowing of focus from the macropolitics of Gordimer’s three most recent preceding novels, None to Accompany Me (1994), My Son’s Story (1990), and A Sport of Nature (1987), to the micro-politics of The House Gun suggests that we can read South Africa’s transition to full democracy as a paradigmatic change from a modern to a postmodern condition. Gordimer’s post- 1994 publications, and The House Gun in particular, lend themselves to being read as illustrative of two of Michel Foucault’s central insights: the ubiquity of power, and the consequent idea that given that ubiquity, care of one’s self (‘souci de soi’) becomes a new kind of political obligation.
Kobi Peled, Thomas Mitchell, Kenneth Waltzer, Brent E. Sasley, Hillel Cohen, and Laura Zittrain Eisenberg
to Israel means by replacing the overused and loaded concept of loyalty with a discussion of political obligation. The book explores hidden identities, breaking down the conceptual and physical framework of the state by focusing on transnational
are natural duties, not political obligations. In fact, unlike political obligations, natural duties apply notwithstanding the institutional context: ‘Now in contrast with obligations, [natural duties] have no necessary connection with institutions
The Uneasy Case of Salvation Religions
William A. Edmundson
decent simply because it employs state power to assure that society is centered upon a comprehensive doctrine. And yet decent peoples can have genuine political obligations to their governing regimes – obligations (like those of liberal citizens) to obey
Nonrecording as a civil boundary
political obligation according to the principle of subsidiarity. The drawbacks of a decentralized state are represented in situations handled case by case as opposed to being considered systemic issues and addressed correspondingly, as I will explain is the
Battle Missives in the Israel Defense Forces
Political Obligation with Illustrations from Zionism . Lanham, MD : Lexington Books . Barzilai , Gad . 2003 . “ Summary and Conclusions: Community and Nationalism .” [In Hebrew.] In Trends in the Israeli Society , vol. 2 , ed. Ephraim Ya'ar and
Romantic Socialism and the Afterlife of a Cross-Sex Friendship in French Political Culture, 1880–1929
Each recognized their friendship ( l’amitié ) as a relationship outside sexual relations with serious political obligations. Still, neither Vallès nor Séverine questioned masculine and feminine immutability inside the friendship. They acknowledged