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Rafael Faraco Benthien and Émile Durkheim

Nous présentons ici un ensemble de quinze lettres d’Émile Durkheim adressées à Salomon Reinach. Quatorze proviennent du fonds d’archives Salomon Reinach se trouvant à la Bibliothèque Méjanes à Aix-en-Provence et celle en date du 14 mars 1902 des dossiers de correspondance du Musée d’Archéologie nationale de Saint-Germainen-Laye. Les originaux ici transcrits n’ont subi aucune altération, aucun fragment n’en a été supprimé et l’ensemble des documents concerne la période située entre 1898 et 1913.

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Márcio de Oliveira

Durkheim's trajectory in Brazil began at the end of the nineteenth century. His work went on to become influential in the creation of Brazil's first social sciences courses at São Paolo and in the career of one of Brazil's most important sociologists, Florestan Fernandes. Currently, Durkheim remains one of the most quoted social theorists in Brazil, and his books are mandatory for every social science course in Brazilian universities. But he has not inspired many followers, and there are very few Durkheim experts in Brazil. This article attempts to understand this apparent paradox through a critical account of the main moments of Durkheim's career in Brazil, from the beginning to the present day.

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On Halbwachs's Sociology of Knowledge Program

The Two Hidden Categories of ‘La doctrine d'Émile Durkheim’

Jean-Christophe Marcel

). By the time he received this request, Émile Durkheim had been dead for less than a month. 1 Halbwachs, for his part, left the Ministry of Armaments, where he worked from May to October to support the war effort, and resumed his teaching activities

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Ruy Llera Blanes

In this article I explore the contemporary relevance of Émile Durkheim’s classic theory of anomie with respect to both the discipline of social anthropology and the study of politics in Africa. I take as a case study present-day, post-war Angola, where an activist mobilisation (the Revolutionary Movement) has engaged in what I call ‘anomic diagnostics’ in opposing the country’s current regime. Through a political reading of Durkheim’s theory, I suggest that, while the French author situates anomie and suicide as cause and consequence respectively within a conservative view of society, Angolan activists instead see anomie as the starting point for a progressive political proposition productive of rupture.

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Society, Morality, Embodiment

Tracing Durkheim's Legacy

Sondra L. Hausner

This issue of Durkheimian Studies presents the collective efforts of the participants of a workshop held in late 2017, the centenary anniversary of Émile Durkheim’s death, at the University of Oxford. The articles that emerged from it, published together in this special issue for the first time along with some new material, demonstrate a continuation of classic Durkheimian themes, but with contemporary approaches. First, they consider the role of action in the production of society. Second, they rely on authors’ own ethnographies: the contributors here engage with Durkheimian questions from the data of their own fieldsites. Third, effervescence, one of Durkheim’s most innovative contributions to sociology, is considered in depth, and in context: how do societies sustain themselves over time? Finally, what intellectual histories did Durkheim himself draw upon – and how can we better understand his conceptual contributions in light of these influences?

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W. S. F. Pickering

For most of Durkheim’s admirers it all ended when he died on 15 November 1917. Or at least one is apt to get that impression in reading the classic study of Durkheim’s life by Steven Lukes (1973). He concludes his book, as indeed he intended to, with the death of the great pioneer of sociology in France. Lukes knew, as we all know, that Durkheim’s death did not mean the end of the appearance of items written by him. Attempts were made by a decimated Année sociologique group under the far less affi rmative leadership of Durkheim’s nephew, Marcel Mauss, to continue along the path set by the great master. Former manuscripts and letters of Durkheim’s were published as members of the group continued to write about him and propagate his ideas.1 But in one very certain way, his empire had come to an end. Beyond 1917, the general interest in France, that had been so strong in the first two decades of the twentieth century, waned. All that followed had to be seen as something that was purely historical, albeit a small number of disciples endeavoured to extend their master’s ideas.

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From Durkheim to Hocart

Sacred Resources and the Quest for 'Life'

Roland Hardenberg

In this article, I argue that the word ‘resource’ can be used to denote what is considered to be of high value in a given society. These values may relate either to society as a whole or to its parts. In the former case, resources often acquire the characteristics of the sacred as identified by Émile Durkheim and others. It is here argued that the Durkheimian approach captures the symbolic dimension of the collective sacred but ignores the social effects of people’s attempts to obtain access to the highest value. To understand how concrete social forms evolve, one may rather turn to the writings of Arthur Maurice Hocart. His approach draws our attention to values (of ‘life’) and the social processes deriving from people’s engagement with the sacred. To illustrate this approach, an ethnographic example from Odisha, India is provided.

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The Response of Catholic and Protestant Thinkers to the Work of Emile Durkheim

With Special Reference to Les formes élémentaires

W. S. F. Pickering

This article attempts to record and examine the way that Catholic and Protestant thinkers reacted to Durkheim's work. The bulk, but by no means all, of their reflections relate to religion, especially after the publication of Les formes élémentaires. Surprisingly, there were some who praised Durkheim for his clarity and imagination. The specific aspects of his work dealt with here are: the nature of religion, its definition, the role of the social and individual, the nature of God, effervescent gatherings. In relation to these, and other topics, the writings of Catholics such as Besse, Bureau, Deploige, Lemonnyer, and Protestants, Boegner, Bois, Richard, Paul Sabatier, are considered. One conclusion is that, surprisingly or otherwise, the substantial criticisms of Durkheim are similar to both Catholics and Protestants. Another is that this kind of material is a necessary prelude to the study of the later development of the sociology of religion in France.

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Les deux catégories cachées de La Doctrine de Durkheim

Le programme de sociologie de la connaissance d'Halbwachs

Jean-Christophe Marcel

unilinéaire, et je me trompe fort, ou cela ira plus loin que Bergson » (cité par Hirsch, 2012, p. 227 ). Le statut du texte La Doctrine d'Émile Durkheim a été un texte relativement méconnu jusqu'à sa récente réévaluation par Hirsch (Hirsh, 2012). Il est en

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Leçon 1 du cours

« Théorie spéciale des sanctions »

François Pizarro Noël

], Les Règles de la méthode sociologique ( RMS ), Paris , PUF/Quadrige , 8 e édition. Durkheim É. ( 1950 ) [1898–1899], Leçons de sociologie , Paris , PUF , 1 ère édition. Fournier M. , 2007 , Émile Durkheim 1858–1917 , Paris , Fayard