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Rafael Faraco Benthien and Émile Durkheim

Nous présentons ici un ensemble de quinze lettres d’Émile Durkheim adressées à Salomon Reinach. Quatorze proviennent du fonds d’archives Salomon Reinach se trouvant à la Bibliothèque Méjanes à Aix-en-Provence et celle en date du 14 mars 1902 des dossiers de correspondance du Musée d’Archéologie nationale de Saint-Germainen-Laye. Les originaux ici transcrits n’ont subi aucune altération, aucun fragment n’en a été supprimé et l’ensemble des documents concerne la période située entre 1898 et 1913.

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Émile Durkheim et la sociologie des religions

Une configuration savante singulière autour du sacrifice v. 1900

Catherine Fhima and Roland Lardinois

Dans la relation entre religion et société qui nourrit en continu la réflexion sociologique d'Émile Durkheim en particulier dans les années 1890–1900 alors que paraissent les premiers volumes de L'Année sociologique , la notion de sacrifice

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Un manuscrit inédit de Durkheim

Physique générale du droit et des mœurs, IVe Année du Cours. 1re Leçon, 2 Décembre 1899, Plan du Cours – Les Sanctions pénales

Émile Durkheim and édité par François Pizarro Noël

Le manuscrit de 1899 : Les sanctions pénales Il y a quelques années ont été découverts chez madame Eveline Halphen, en même temps que les manuscrits des Leçons de sociologie d'Émile Durkheim, une série de feuillets manuscrits inédits. Sur le

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Cécile Rol

'économie et du droit, est indissociable de l'amitié qu'il noue alors avec un camarade de la promotion précédente : Émile Durkheim. 1 Cette amitié, marquée par la ‘confidence’, la franchise ‘d'entretiens familiers’ ainsi que par une ‘correspondance étendue

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Márcio de Oliveira

Durkheim's trajectory in Brazil began at the end of the nineteenth century. His work went on to become influential in the creation of Brazil's first social sciences courses at São Paolo and in the career of one of Brazil's most important sociologists, Florestan Fernandes. Currently, Durkheim remains one of the most quoted social theorists in Brazil, and his books are mandatory for every social science course in Brazilian universities. But he has not inspired many followers, and there are very few Durkheim experts in Brazil. This article attempts to understand this apparent paradox through a critical account of the main moments of Durkheim's career in Brazil, from the beginning to the present day.

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Émile Durkheim between Gabriel Tarde and Arnold van Gennep

Founding moments of sociology and anthropology

Bjørn Thomassen

This article will situate Durkheim's work by revisiting two debates that influenced his attempt to define and give direction to sociology and anthropology: the debates between Durkheim and Gabriel Tarde and the debates between Durkheim and Arnold van Gennep. The battle between Tarde and Durkheim has in recent years been the object of several conferences and publications. This has happened alongside a much needed Tarde revival in sociology. However, Tarde was only one of Durkheim's opponents. For a long period, following Tarde's death in 1904, Arnold van Gennep represented the strongest critique of Durkheim's project. This ‘debate’ is little known among anthropologists and social scientists. The aim of this article is to situate Durkheim and the birth of the social sciences in France between both of these two figures. The aim is therefore also to bring together two disciplinary debates that for too long have been kept artificially separate in our understanding of Durkheim as ‘founding father’ of both anthropology and sociology. Arnold van Gennep and Gabriel Tarde opposed Durkheim independently from the perspectives of anthropology and sociology, but also from what can be reconstructed as a shared ‘philosophy’ of relevance still today. The article will discuss how so, and will highlight the convergences between the critiques of Durkheim offered by Tarde and van Gennep.

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On Halbwachs's Sociology of Knowledge Program

The Two Hidden Categories of ‘La doctrine d'Émile Durkheim’

Jean-Christophe Marcel

). By the time he received this request, Émile Durkheim had been dead for less than a month. 1 Halbwachs, for his part, left the Ministry of Armaments, where he worked from May to October to support the war effort, and resumed his teaching activities

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Society, Morality, Embodiment

Tracing Durkheim's Legacy

Sondra L. Hausner

This issue of Durkheimian Studies presents the collective efforts of the participants of a workshop held in late 2017, the centenary anniversary of Émile Durkheim's death, at the University of Oxford. The workshop was called ‘Why Did Durkheim

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From Durkheim to Hocart

Sacred Resources and the Quest for ‘Life’

Roland Hardenberg

it does not easily vanish or ‘die’. This is certainly the case for Émile Durkheim, whose life and work has been the object of many comprehensive studies not only in previous decades (e.g. Jones 1986 ; LaCapra 1972 ; Lukes 1985 ; Nisbet 1974

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Émile Durkheim

Although sociology is defined as the science of society, in reality it cannot deal with human groups, which are the immediate concern of its research, without in the end tackling the individual, the ultimate element of which these groups are composed. For society cannot constitute itself unless it penetrates individual consciousnesses and fashions them 'in its image and likeness'; so, without wanting to be over-dogmatic, it can be said with confidence that a number of our mental states, including some of the most essential, have a social origin. Here it is the whole that, to a large extent, constitutes the part; hence it is impossible to try to explain the whole without explaining the part, if only as an after-effect. The product par excellence of collective activity is the set of intellectual and moral goods called civilization; this is why Auguste Comte made sociology the science of civilization. But, in another aspect, it is civilization that has made man into what he is; it is this that distinguishes him from the animal. Man is man only because he is civilized. To look for the causes and conditions on which civilization depends is therefore to look, as well, for the causes and conditions of what, in man, is most specifically human. This is how sociology, while drawing on psychology, which it cannot do without, brings to this, in a just return, a contribution that equals and exceeds in importance the services it receives from it. It is only through historical analysis that it is possible to understand what man is formed of; for it is only in the course of history that he has taken form.