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Amanda H. Littauer

age-differentiated sexual relationships between girls and women in lesbian history, specifically in the United States and Canada during the years leading up to and encompassing lesbian feminism. In the 1970s, lesbian feminism emerged in North America

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Dutch Economic Textbooks in the 1970s

Raising the Status of a New Secondary School Type by Means of Mathematical Abstraction

Gerrit F. Gorter, Hilda T. A. Amsing, and Jeroen J. H. Dekker

Netherlands underwent a partial revolution in the 1970s. In particular, sixteen- to seventeen-year-old pupils in the upper years of pre-university education (VWO in the Netherlands) were confronted with an unprecedented degree of abstraction. That abstraction

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“Hand-Me-Down Habitats”

Bicycles, Youth, and Open Space in the 1970s

Brian Frehner

BMX appeared. 1 The poor showing was curious given the sport's origins in American suburbs in the early 1970s, and because BMX, although growing rapidly in other countries, still has the largest number of competitors and tracks within the US. The

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The Making of Global Inequality

A Conceptual History, 1945–1980

Christian Olaf Christiansen

. Not previously noted in the literature, the concept appeared during the World Food Crisis of 1972–1975. 4 In the late 1970s, new academic activities popped up around global inequality , but the term did not gain much traction, was largely at a

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The Leftist “Imagined Community”

The Transnational Imagination of Left-Wing Subversive Organizations in Western Europe

Mikuláš Pešta

the society cooperated and sympathized with them, in particular at the beginning of the 1970s; they found backing most of all in the milieu of the “extra-parliamentary opposition,” the protest movement linked to activist groups, journals, and political

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“Your Young Lesbian Sisters”

Queer Girls’ Voices in the Liberation Era

Amanda H. Littauer

to newly visible subcultures and social movements as John Spurlock (2016) reminds us. Although legal, economic, and familial constraints persisted in the 1970s and 1980s, youth became increasingly aware of organizations, publications, and public

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Stephen Milder

This article narrates the development of the antinuclear movement from the bottom up, showing how local protests initiated changes in Germans' ideas about democracy and public participation, precipitating the Green Party's emergence. The narrative begins with the pre-history of the 1975 occupation of the Wyhl reactor site in Southern Baden. It shows that vintners' concerns about the future of their livelihoods underpinned protests at Wyhl, but argues that the anti-reactor coalition grew in breadth after government officials' perceived misconduct caused local people to connect their agricultural concerns with democracy matters. It then explains how local protests like the Wyhl occupation influenced the formation of the German Green Party in the late 1970s, showing how the sorts of convergences that occurred amidst “single issue” protests like the anti-Wyhl struggle enabled a wide variety of activists to come together in the new party. Thus, the article argues that particular, local concerns initiated a rethinking of participation in electoral politics. Far from fracturing society, these local concerns promoted diverse new coalitions and shaped an inclusive approach to electoral politics.

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Lam Yee Man

More often than not, risk is the driving force for change in environmental development. For instance, the risk in the 1960s—the degradation of air and water in developed countries—gave rise to environmental movements worldwide in the 1970s. The risk

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The Origins of the Anti-Liberal Left

The 1979 Vincennes Conference on Neoliberalism

Michael C. Behrent

-totalitarian campaign, and a more diffuse attitude of cultural libertarianism that was gradually emancipating itself from radical politics. 5 On the other hand, scholars increasingly recognize the 1970s as the moment when the ideology known as neoliberalism was invoked

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Gershon Shafir

This article asks whether the Yom Kippur War was avoidable. The intense diplomatic efforts of the 1971-1973 years that are examined include plans and counterplans offered by special United Nations representative Gunnar Jarring, US Secretary of State William Rogers, National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger, Israeli Minister of Defense Moshe Dayan, and Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. The article concludes that since settlement was the method of Israeli state-building and served as the basis of the Labor Movement's hegemony within the Israeli society, once Israel embarked on a settlement project in the Sinai it was unwilling to accept full territorial withdrawal to the borders on 5 June 1967 in return for an Egyptian promise of non-belligerence. At the same time, the US was deterred by its conflicting global and regional interests from exerting pressure on Israel to accept the Egyptian proposal.