transition from neo-republicanism to socialist republicanism, as we introduce the idea of a ‘second republican revival’. Secondly, we reconstruct the socialist republicanism of the Italian political thinker Antonio Gramsci, who was briefly involved in the
Antonio Gramsci, the European Council Movements and the ‘Second Republican Revival’
Andreas Møller Mulvad and Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen
The search for an autonomous political initiative among a subaltern group in the Beninese savanna
, seems to be the mainstay of analysis. This anthropology of resistance is habitually in contrast to established as much as to new Marxist theoretical approaches and political aims ( Narotzky 2015 ; Neveling 2015 ; Steur 2015 ). Antonio Gramsci is one of
Valuing Marginalized Environmental Knowledges in the Face of the Neoliberalization of Nature and Science
Brian J. Burke and Nik Heynen
Citizen science and sustainability science promise the more just and democratic production of environmental knowledge and politics. In this review, we evaluate these participatory traditions within the context of (a) our theorization of how the valuation and devaluation of nature, knowledge, and people help to produce socio-ecological hierarchies, the uneven distribution of harms and benefits, and inequitable engagement within environmental politics, and (b) our analysis of how neoliberalism is reworking science and environmental governance. We find that citizen and sustainability science often fall short of their transformative potential because they do not directly confront the production of environmental injustice and political exclusion, including the knowledge hierarchies that shape how the environment is understood and acted upon, by whom, and for what ends. To deepen participatory practice, we propose a heterodox ethicopolitical praxis based in Gramscian, feminist, and postcolonial theory and describe how we have pursued transformative praxis in southern Appalachia through the Coweeta Listening Project.
Critical interpretations in anthropology and beyond
The popularity of the notion of hegemony in anthropology and cognate disciplines has waxed and waned. The self-censorship of Gramsci's most accessible writings (Selections from the prison notebooks) and the multi-layered nature of his thinking have led to a variety of understandings of the term. Easier to reflect on historically, after the events, than to use for analyses of the present, hegemony is both attractive to intellectuals insofar as it establishes their role in politics and yet prone to vagueness in its application to real life situations. For these reasons perhaps, the notion is now on the wane. Yet before we throw out the baby with the bath water, we need to reflect on precisely how it has been used in social analysis and praxis. This article takes a critical view of those people who have most influenced anthropologists in their understanding of the term and argues that the fetishization of 'culture' has probably done more to mystify the concept than anything else.
Historical Time and Revolutionary Change in Marx, Gramsci, Benjamin, and Fanon
Inspired by contemporary criticism(s) levelled against evolutionist conceptions of history present within much classical social theory, this article seeks to discuss alternative conceptions of historical time, modernity, and coloniality within the works of Marxist-inspired thinkers who have sought to tackle the problematic aspects of evolutionism and ‘historical progress’ head on – namely, Antonio Gramsci, Walter Benjamin, and Frantz Fanon. After discussing orthodox Marxism’s ambivalent relation to notions of historical necessity and human agency, the article turns to discussing Gramsci’s anti-economistic conception of hegemony and Benjamin’s and Fanon’s respective conceptions of the ‘dialectics of rupture’ in order to present alternative conceptions of historical time which partly or fully depart from orthodox Marxism’s tendencies towards evolutionism, albeit whilst retaining a focus on dialectics, power struggle, and revolutionary transformation.
The Perspective, Location and Agency of Theory in South African Cultural Studies
In an interview with David Attwell, recorded in 1993 at the School of Criticism and Theory at Dartmouth College New Hampshire, Homi Bhabha turns his liminal gaze to the fate of South Africa. His position, that of “an outsider … a bystander and consumer of the media” (Attwell 1993: 109), invokes a reading of the state of the nation and its cultural predicament which, nine years hence, remains compelling. What is particularly striking about the conversation, conducted at a geographical remove during a charged historical time when South Africa forges what will prove to be an on-going process of disinterring itself from a legacy of oppression, is Bhabha’s eschewal of a saving telos and his insistence on turning and returning to “the semiosis of the moment of transition” (1993: 104). For Bhabha this moment is not the Gramscian interregnum between two distinct states of governance. Rather, his conception subsumes the notion of two distinct states as well as Antonio Gramsci’s conception of the moment between as the emergent locus for a symptomatic morbidity. Here Bhabha diverges from the perception of those within South Africa for whom the interregnum has served as a prevailing trope, most notably Nadine Gordimer in The Essential Gesture: Writing, Politics and Places (1988: 262) and Michael Chapman in Southern African Literatures (1996: 327-331). Rather, between the renunciation of a past and the proleptic fulfilment of a future, Bhabha proffers a more enabling conception of the moment of transition; one which, having “overcome the given grounds of opposition … opens up a space of translation: a place of hybridity, figuratively speaking, where the construction of a political object that is new, neither the one nor the other, properly alienates our political expectation, and changes, as it must, the very forms of our recognition of the moment of politics” (Bhabha 1994: 25).
Uneven development, the politics of scale, or global austerity?
of the most challenging issues in the discussion of a global discourse on “austerity” relates to the processes of resistance. Surely, the most historically influenced understandings are those of class contestation. Antonio Gramsci (1971) established
Democracy, Property and Rights
David Guerrero, Bru Laín, and Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen
the so-called second republican revival within the socialist European tradition, with special focus on the political thought of Antonio Gramsci. By doing so, they offer an appealing account of how these workers’ councils tried to apply a republican
Constanza Parra and Casey Walsh
fascist prison Antonio Gramsci (1971) pessimistically rejected “voluntarism” as a viable strategy, but nevertheless recognized the vital importance of optimism in building a radically different society. In the same historical moment Karl Mannheim offered
Hegemony, Situational Selection and Counter Narratives at the Boundaries of Spain and Europe
), ‘ Antonio Gramsci: Towards an Ethnographic Marxism ’, ANUAC (Rivista della Società Italiana di Antropologia Culturale) 7 , no. 2 : 133 – 150 . De Genova , N. (ed.) ( 2017 ), The Borders of “Europe”: Autonomy of Migration, Tactics of Bordering