In May 2006, the Supreme Court of Israel, by a narrow majority of 6 to 5, upheld the constitutionality of the Nationality and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), which severely restricts the rights of Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories to live in Israel. The main implications of the Act are that West Bank and Gaza spouses of Israeli citizens are prevented from living with their husbands or wives in Israel. This article reviews the court's judgment in light of the general immigration policy of Israel, which is reflected in three major laws. After presenting and analyzing the ruling, the article comments on some of the dilemmas and difficulties that the judgment raises.
This article unveils a virtually unknown chapter in the history of judicial diversity in Israel. During its first 20 years of existence, between 1948 and 1968, only three Arab judges were appointed. Then, within two years, between 1968 and 1969, Israel appointed three additional Arab judges. Two interconnected changes account for this small increase in judicial diversity. First, in the 1960s, the Arab legal elite began to exert pressure on Israeli officials to appoint Arab judges. Second, perhaps partly due to this pressure, the Judicial Selection Committee made having a diverse judiciary a top priority. This historical example teaches us that without outside pressure, the Judicial Selection Committee does not look on diversity as an important consideration, using the merit system of appointment as an excuse for its failure. Indeed, up to the present day, the Israeli judiciary has relatively few Arab judges.
The American Jewish Committee and Israel’s Palestinian Minority, 1948–1966
Geoffrey P. Levin
This article examines the American Jewish Committee’s (AJC) engagement with Israel regarding the state’s Palestinian-Arab minority. It focuses on the period of military government (1948–1966), when the rights of most Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel were curtailed under military rule. In the mid-1950s, AJC leaders became interested in examining and alleviating the plight of the Arab minority. Rather than publicly confronting Israel, the AJC privately lobbied Israeli officials on the matter and later attempted to educate Israelis about liberalism using ideas more closely associated with its work in America than its human rights advocacy abroad. To understand the AJC’s motives, the article points toward AJC’s domestic civil rights and ‘human relations’ activity, its distinct form of pro-Israel non-Zionism, and its concerns about ‘Arab propaganda’, anti- Semitism, and Jewish-Christian relations in America.
From 'Quietism' to Ethno-nationalism
Hillel Cohen, The Rise and Fall of Arab Jerusalem: Palestinian Politics and the City since 1967 (New York: Routledge, 2011), 162 pp.
Oded Haklai, Palestinian Ethnonationalism in Israel (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 243 pp.
Amal Jamal, Arab Minority Nationalism in Israel: The Politics of Indigeneity (New York: Routledge, 2011), 324 pp.
Ilan Pappé, The Forgotten Palestinians: A History of the Palestinians in Israel (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011), 336 pp.
Ilan Peleg and Dov Waxman, Israel’s Palestinians: The Conflict Within (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 262 pp.
Yitzhak Reiter, National Minority, Regional Majority: Palestinian Arabs versus Jews in Israel (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2009), 403 pp.