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Francesco Maria Scanni and Francesco Compolongo

-reaching renovation of their respective political and democratic systems, but have distinguished themselves from each other through their differing approaches to economic and social policy. Our work adopts the Gramscian notions of hegemony, Bonapartism, passive

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Walter Bruyère-Ostells

Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte theorized Napoleonic Caesarism between 1832 and 1844, although he was only a child at the fall of the First Empire. He took into account the embedding of Napoleonic supporters in the broad-ranging Liberal party during the Restoration. Through personal relationships, he was particularly influenced by officers who bent the First Empire's doctrine towards liberalism during the Hundred Days and who engaged in national and liberal actions. In this respect, the fight for the unification of Italy was paramount. The new social networks (secret societies) and the events he himself took part in (such as central Italy's revolution of 1831) particularly inspired him. By taking up weapons, moreover, he appropriated the image of being his uncle's legitimate heir. That is why two generations of officers, including Italian officers, must be considered as transmitters of an inheritance that Louis Napoleon used to reflect on his Napoleonic legacy.

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Republican Imperialisms

Narrating the History of “Empire” in France, 1885–1900

Christina Carroll

, lost much of its capital. He did not really expect to be taken for a Bonapartist, but he nevertheless consistently made the distinction between colonial empire and Bonapartism when he introduced the term “empire” or “imperialism.” 3 Making this

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Naomi J. Andrews and Benoit Coquard

contests over colonial policy and settler prerogatives. In Murray-Miller's account, the discourse of modernity served as a powerful means of aligning liberal and republican critics of Bonapartism with defenders of the cause of the colons of Algeria, who

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Michael B. Loughlin

the interwar era, Hervé argued that his national socialist formations shared in the revolutionary heritage by way of Bonapartism, but he admired fascist and Nazi success at ending internal anarchy and periodically alluded to such a possibility if

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Cary J. Nederman

journal, many of whose suggestions I have integrated into the final article. 1 Melvin Richter, “A Family of Political Concepts: Tyranny, Despotism, Bonapartism, Caesarism, Dictatorship, 1750–1917,” European Journal of Political Theory 4, no. 3 (2005