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Terry-Ann Jones

São Luis, an island city of close to a million people, located on Brazil’s north coast, 2,700 kilometers away. His cousin whom he was traveling with was among the thousands of seasonal migrants who journey year after year from the northeast to the

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Closeness and critique among Brazilian philanthropists

Navigating a critical ethnography of wealth elites

Jessica Sklair

The social achievements of 14 years of Workers’ Party (PT) governance in Brazil (2003–2016) have been widely reported in the international arena, with much praise being given for the work of presidents Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula) and Dilma

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Ariela Zycherman

In December 2015 at the 21st Convention of Parties (COP 21) in Paris, Brazil pledged to continue to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 37 percent below 2005 rates. One of the primary ways they pledged to do this is to reduce deforestation rates

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Hollis Moore

, forms part of the urban periphery – or favela zone – of the predominantly Afro-Brazilian city of Salvador, Bahia. Favela zones are made possible by extralegality – for example, by unofficial tolerance of squatter settlements and pirated utilities

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Marjo de Theije

Based on research in Brazil, the author discusses three local situations of conflict and social protest, using a transnational perspective. She concentrates on the use of universal claims of Catholicism in local negotiations of religious change under the influence of different cultural campaigns. The clashes in question are divided into those involving local political problems and those concerning the religious domain itself. The analysis shows that in each of the cases—albeit with different intensity and outcome—the interconnection between translocal processes and the meaning and experience of locality has a significant role in the power plays and the formulations of religious or social protest in the local context.

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For a Critical Conceptual History of Brazil

Receiving Begriffsgeschichte

João Feres Júnior

The author argues that the development of a critical history of concepts should be based on a programmatic position different from that of original Begriffsgeschichte, or of its main interpretations. By drawing upon theoretical insights of Axel Honneth, he reassesses the basic assumption of Begriffsgeschichte regarding the relationship between the history of concepts and social history, and calls attention to the problems that spring from focusing analysis almost exclusively on key concepts. According to Feres, special attention should be paid to concepts that are socially and politically effective, but, at the same time, do not become the subject of public contestation. Based on this programmatic position, he ends the article proposing a sketch for organizing the study of conceptual history in Brazil along three semantic regions.

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American dreams and Brazilian racial democracy

The making of race and class in Brazil and the United States

Sean T. Mitchell

The extensive literature critiquing the weakness of cross-class Afro-Brazilian solidarity is perhaps equaled in size by the structurally similar literature on the weakness of cross-race working-class solidarity in the United States. For many critics, marginalized or exploited people in Brazil and the United States do not have the political consciousness they ought to have, given apparently objective conditions. What if we started, instead, from E. P. Thompson's insight that class is a “cultural as much as an economic formation,” that it is “a relationship and not a thing,” acknowledging that political consciousness is the partially contingent result of culturally specific struggles and utopias, as much as of determinate historical conditions? Drawing on ethnographic research on conflicts between Afro-Brazilian villagers and Brazil's spaceport, supplemented by comparative data on the mobilization around inequalities in Brazil and in the United States, this article sketches a comparative anthropology of political consciousness that attempts to avoid the objectivizing pitfalls of the genre.

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Sacha Darke

Brazilian prisons are typically crowded and poorly resourced, yet at the same time may be active places. Of particular interest to the sociology of prisons is institutional reliance on inmate collaboration and self-ordering, not only to maintain prison routines, but, in the most low-staffed prisons, security and prisoner conduct as well. This article explores the roles played by inmates in running one such penal institution, a men's police lockup in Rio de Janeiro. At the time of research the lockup had over 450 prisoners, but just five officers. Both on and off the wings inmates performed janitorial, clerical, and guard-like duties, mostly under the supervision not of officers but other prisoners. The lockup appeared to be operating under a relatively stable, if de facto and provisional order, premised on common needs and shared beliefs, and maintained by a hierarchy of prisoner as well as officer authority.

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‘We Were Refugees and Carried a Special Burden’

Emotions, Brazilian Politics and the German Jewish Émigré Circle in São Paulo, 1933–1957

Björn Siegel

(Brazil) after the rise to power of National Socialism in Germany. By analysing the different discourses, the article gives new insights into the power structures that influenced the practices of migration. In addition, it analyses the role of emotions on

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Introduction

Exceptionalism and Necropolitical Security Dynamics in Olympic Rio de Janeiro

Margit Ystanes and Tomas Salem

Mega-events and Securitization during the Pink Tide in Brazil When thinking back to the period when Rio de Janeiro prepared to host the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Summer Olympics, international audiences may remember images of military