This article is about immigrant-origin politicians running for a Bundestag mandate in the 2013 election. Patterns of candidacy, electoral success and failure of the respective candidates and parliamentarians are systematically analyzed. The main finding is that politicians of immigrant origin are serious contenders for seats in the Bundestag, and political parties seem to have quite some interest in their election. It is increasingly the second immigrant generation that is involved politically, and, as the career patterns indicate, it is likely that many of them are going to stay longer in politics. Consequently, a closer look at immigrant-origin candidates and parliamentarians is of merit for both the study of parliamentary representation and of the political integration of immigrants and their descendants.
The selection methods of party leaders in Israel have gone through a gradual shift during the last 30 years. Like parties in several other democracies (Canada, United Kingdom, Japan), the major Israeli parties have changed their internal distribution of power to give their members a role in candidate and leadership selection. In Israel, as elsewhere, among the reasons for this reform was the desire to reduce the oligarchic tendencies of parties by creating a participatory revolution and by providing the rank-and-file members a chance to make a difference. This study maps the various methods used by Israeli parties for selecting their leaders and asks what the positive and negative consequences of the opening of the selection process are. The first section presents the various methods used by parties for selecting their leaders. The following three sections deal with the gradual process of democratization in leadership selection that occurred in the two major Israeli parties, and in other parties. The final section discusses the consequences of this democratization and tries to assess whether there is an ideal method for selecting party leaders.
Gianfranco Pasquino and Marco Valbruzzi
This chapter analyzes the processes of candidate selection in Italy for the main political parties facing the 2013 general election. In particular, the authors investigate and evaluate the primary elections organized, in November–December 2012, by the center-left coalition (composed of the Democratic Party, Left Ecology and Freedom, and the Italian Socialist Party) for the selection of the candidate to the office of president of the Council of Ministers. The chapter explores in detail the main issues at the center of the electoral campaign, the candidates involved in the process of selection, the socio-demographic profile of the “selectorate,” the electoral results of the primary elections, and their consequences for the consolidation of the Italian party system.
Louise K. Davidson-Schmich
Since the adoption of candidate gender quotas, women have always fared better in the “second” or PR tier of Bundestag elections than in the “first” or plurality tier, where quotas do not apply. This gap, however, has been closing. In the 2009 Bundestag election, 27 percent of the major parties' direct mandate candidates were women compared to almost 30 percent in 2013. All parties experienced an increase in the percentage of women among their nominees for direct mandates between 2009 and 2013. Why have the numbers of female candidates for the 299 directly elected Bundestag constituencies been increasing? This increase is puzzling because gender quotas have not been extended to this tier of the electoral system and candidate selection rules have not changed. This article explores five potential mechanisms that may be driving the observed rise in women nominated as constituency candidates. I argue that the main reasons for these increases lie in the advantages female incumbents incur, the openings presented when male incumbents retire, and the diffusion of female candidates across parties and neighboring Wahlkreise after one woman manages to win a direct mandate. I develop these conclusions by comparing candidate nominations and direct mandate winners in the 2009 and 2013 Bundestag elections.
The Alternative for Germany and Attitudes toward Migration Policy
Hannah M. Alarian
electing an AfD candidate, electing a non-AfD candidate, or narrowly electing a non-AfD candidate in the first vote. Finally, I use a quasi-regression discontinuity framework to gain new, empirical leverage to uncover the societal impact of directly
Kenneth Dyson and Lucia Quaglia
After prolonged negotiations, on 24 June 2011, the governor of the
Bank of Italy, Mario Draghi, was appointed president of the European
Central Bank (ECB) as successor to Jean-Claude Trichet. His mandate
runs from 1 November 2011 to 31 October 2019. Draghi’s appointment
was consistent with a long-standing practice of Italian politicians and
officials seeking to engage with the process of European integration
by ensuring that they were “sitting at the European top table.” In the
context of the euro area, sitting at the top table for Italy was initially
about gaining euro entry as a founding member state in 1999 and,
subsequently, about having strong Italian representation in the governing
structures of the euro area, particularly the ECB. Once the
sovereign debt crisis became contagious in 2010–2011, it meant ensuring
that financial markets drew a clear distinction between Italy and
periphery member states such as Greece and Portugal that suffered
from sovereign debt distress.
Christopher J. Anderson and Frank Brettschneider
Although the German constitution does not provide for the direct
election of the head of the executive branch by the people, the preeminent
position of the federal chancellor has long tempted commentators
to describe the German political system as a “chancellor
democracy.”1 Based on this characterization, one might be tempted
to assume that the German election of 2002 was therefore about
electing a chancellor. To be sure, if voters could have voted for the
chancellor directly in 2002, Gerhard Schröder would have easily
defeated Edmund Stoiber. Yet, despite public opinion polls that never
once showed the challenger outpolling the chancellor throughout the
entire election year, the election turned out to be a cliffhanger.
Unpacking Gender Images across Angela Merkel’s Four Campaigns for the Chancellorship, 2005–2017
Joyce Marie Mushaben
-blank question: “Are you running as a woman?” Quick-witted Schroeder responded: “Do I have a choice?” 2 Countless cross-national “inventories” confirm that gender stereotypes attributed to male and female candidates during major election campaigns transcend
Kaloyan Haralampiev and Georgi Dimitrov
-corruption policies. 2 The EU has dramatically changed its approach to the problems of ROL from lip service in constitutional documents to a major accent in the enlargement policy towards new candidate states ( Fagan & Sircar, 2015 ; Gateva, 2015 ; Papakostas
Martinique and the French Presidential Election of 2007
In May 2007, Martinique did not follow the rest of France in endorsing Nicolas Sarkozy in his bid to become president. Along with the other overseas French states Guadeloupe and Réunion (but not Guyane), Martinique supported rather the Socialist candidate Ségolène Royal. Martinique thereby distanced itself from the rest of the République—as it had done in 1995—by backing a left-wing presidential candidate rather than the ultimately victorious right-wing one. 2007 represents the converse of 1981, when Martinique voted for the rightist candidate but France as a whole elected a leftist (François Mitterrand). Over time, being at electoral odds with the nation as a whole has become less troubling for Martinicans: independence, which most islanders oppose, is no longer seen at stake in presidential outcomes. On the other hand, Martinicans have become progressively resigned to their peripheral status within French presidential politics.