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Configuración de ciudadanías indígenas

El reconocimiento limitado de derechos diferenciados en Colombia

Paula A. Hinestroza Blandón

, multiculturalismo y derechos indígenas desde enfoques cercanos a la antropología, la ciencia política y el derecho. También se analizaron diferentes normativas y políticas étnicas, del ámbito internacional, regional y nacional; particularmente en el caso de Colombia

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Lesley Gill

Low-intensity conflicts, counter-insurgencies, and the so-called war on terror blur the boundaries between war and peace and, in doing so, collapse the distinctions between combatants and non-combatants. Scholars have used concepts such as `routinization of terror', `culture of fear', and `banalization of violence' to describe how fear regulates social life in places of extreme instability. These concepts often paint an overgeneralized portrait of violence that fails to examine the social relationships and institutional forms that give rise to terror and insecurity. This article examines the shifting qualities of war and peace in Colombia and argues that daily life in Barrancabermeja—a working-class city nominally `at peace' after a government-backed, paramilitary demobilization process—is a volatile arena of uncertainty in which some people are more vulnerable than others.

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La política migratoria de Ecuador hacia Colombia

Entre la integración y la “contención“

Marcela Ceballos Medina

*Full article is in Spanish

English abstract: This article examines Ecuadoran policy toward the forced migration of Colombians to Ecuador. It identifies the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy, including asylum, for the period 1996-2008. To do this, the author examines two dimensions of immigration policy: the normative framework and political practices (implementation of the normative framework). The article tries to answer the following questions: What are the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy toward Colombian forced migration? How can we explain those changes? The author suggests that the policy oscillates between regional or binational integration and border contention. The variables that explain those changes are: (1) the magnitude of Colombian migration; (2) the transnational dynamics of the internal armed conflict along the Colombia-Ecuador border and the political context in Ecuador; and (3) the international relations of Colombia and Ecuador and the political agenda of the South American region.

Spanish abstract: El propósito del artículo es examinar la respuesta del Estado ecuatoriano a las migraciones forzadas de colombianos hacia ese país, identificando los principales cambios en la política de inmigración (incluida la política de asilo y refugio) de Ecuador durante el periodo 1996- 2008. Para ello, se observan dos dimensiones de la política migratoria ecuatoriana: 1) el marco normativo y 2) las prácticas políticas para la implementación de las normas. La autora se propone responder a las preguntas ¿Cuáles son los principales cambios en la política migratoria del Estado ecuatoriano hacia las migraciones colombianas? ¿Cómo se explican esos cambios? Concluye que la política migratoria de Ecuador hacia las migraciones colombianas oscila entre una posición integracionista y abierta a la inmigración y una política de cierre de fronteras y contención del conflicto armado dentro del territorio colombiano. Las variables que explican dichos cambios son: 1) el creciente flujo de migrantes colombianos hacia Ecuador, 2) las dinámicas transnacionales del conflicto armado colombiano en la frontera y el contexto político al interior del Ecuador, y 3) las relaciones político-diplomáticas entre los dos países y la agenda política en la región suramericana.

French abstract: Cet article examine la politique de l'Équateur concernant l'immigration forcée de Colombiens vers ce pays. Il identifie les changements principaux effectués dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne (en incluant la politique publique d'asile) pour la période 1996-2008. Dans ce but, l'auteur examine deux dimensions de la politique publique d'immigration : 1) le cadre normatif, et 2) les pratiques politiques (la mise en œuvre du cadre normatif). L'auteur souhaite répondre aux questions suivantes : quels sont les changements principaux dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne concernant les migrations colombiennes forcées ? Comment pouvons-nous expliquer ces changements ? L'hypothèse est que la politique d'immigration de l'Équateur oscille entre l'intégration régionale ou binationale et le contrôle des frontières. Les variables perme ant d'expliquer ces changements sont : 1) l'ampleur des migrations colombiennes vers l'Équateur ; 2) les dynamiques transnationales du conflit armé interne au niveau de la frontière colombo-équatorienne et le contexte politique en Équateur ; et 3) les relations internationales entre la Colombie et l'Équateur ainsi que l'agenda politique de la région sud-américaine.

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Conceptualizing sub-national regional cooperation

Coffee Cultural Landscape of Colombia case study

Diana Morales

, this article uses the case study of the Coffee Cultural Landscape of Colombia (CCLC). This cooperation process resulted in the inclusion of part of the Coffee Region (see Figure 1 ) in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

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Civil Society and the Indigenous Movement in Colombia

The Consejo Regional Indigena del Cauca

Joanne Rappaport

The membership of Colombian indigenous organizations in civil society has been under debate for the past decade. Indigenous organizations themselves have held various positions with respect to their place in civil society, at times opting for armed struggle and at other times for alliances with popular organizations negotiating with the state. What this implies is that we must trace changing indigenous discourses over time to understand how the movement has both distanced itself from and moved closer to the middle-class organizations and institutions of civil society. This article looks at changing alignments with civil society by the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC) over the past three decades.

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María Claudia Mejía Gil and Claudia Puerta Silva

países como Colombia, se da por los denominados conflictos socioambientales por minería, monocultivos, deforestación, entre otras actividades productivas ( Alimonda, 2002 , 2011 ; Alonso & Costa, 2002 ; Gudynas, 2009 ; Svampa, 2008 ) y por el

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Francisco A. Ortega

and disturbances, there had been almost no memorable events in the Viceroyalty of New Granada [roughly present-day Colombia, Panama, and Ecuador] during its years of existence.” 2 Restrepo, like other mid-nineteenth-century observers, contrasted the

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Angélica Rodríguez Rodríguez and Carlos Enrique Guzmán Mendoza

Full article is in Spanish.

English abstract: This article analyses how, during the period from 2013 to 2017, popular consultation was used by nine Colombian municipalities to slow mining and hydrocarbon exploitation due to their harmful socio-environmental impact. In order to do so, we review the concept of sustainable development in relation with the legal mechanisms employed to its promotion and defense. We present the developments of the extractive sector in Colombia and discuss the nine popular consultations promoted by the municipal authorities. We conclude that despite the suitability of popular consultation, it has proved to be ineffective to stop the extractive projects that generate harmful effects on the communities where they are developed.

Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza cómo, durante el periodo 2013–2017, la consulta popular fue utilizada por nueve municipios colombianos para frenar la explotación minera y de hidrocarburos dado su dañino impacto socioambiental. Para ello, revisamos el concepto de desarrollo sostenible en relación con los mecanismos legales empleados para su promoción y defensa. Presentamos los desarrollos del sector extractivo en Colombia y discutimos las nueve consultas populares adelantadas por los entes municipales. Concluimos que, a pesar de su idoneidad, la consulta popular ha resultado poco efectiva para detener los proyectos extractivos que generan efectos nocivos sobre las comunidades donde se desarrollan.

French abstract: Cet article analyse comment, au cours de la période 2013-2017, une consultation populaire a été menée dans neuf municipalités colombiennes sur l’exploitation minière et des hydrocarbures, en lien avec leur impact socio-environnemental. Pour ce faire, nous procédons d’abord à une révision du concept de développement durable par rapport aux mécanismes juridiques utilisés pour sa promotion et sa défense. Nous présentons ensuite les développements du secteur extractif en Colombie et analysons les neuf consultations menées par les autorités municipales. Finalement, nous concluons que, malgré son utilité, la consultation populaire s’est révélée inefficace pour mettre un terme aux projets d’extraction là où ils ont eu des effets néfastes sur les communautés.

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Paramilitaries of the Empire

Guatemala, Colombia, and Israel

Staffan Löfving

Analysts of war and states construe paramilitary violence in terms of excessive responses to insurgencies too powerful to be quelled by means of conventional warfare (see, for example, Sluka 2000). But the case of the crumbling state of Colombia hints at a more complex relationship between the various practitioners of political violence; what used to be state-sanctioned rural militias are building their own political platform and claiming a place in the troubled negotiations between state and insurgency. This short essay grapples with the paramilitary function of state power in two Latin American countries that survived the Cold War, wounded but alive only to find their fate sealed by a new world order.

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An ecology of difference

Equality and conflict in a glocalized world

Arturo Escobar

This paper develops a broad conceptualization of what could be called a political ecology of difference. The paper builds on trends in political ecology, the politics of place, and cultural analyses of modern conceptions of nature, rights, and the individual to outline an integrated framework for thinking about difference from the perspective of economic, ecological, and cultural distribution conflicts. The argument is illustrated with a case study from the Pacific rainforest region of Colombia, particularly the political ecology developed by the region’s social movement of black communities; the paper concludes with implications of the framework for thinking about the cultural politics of dominant institutions and their potential transformation along the lines of a politics of difference.