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La política migratoria de Ecuador hacia Colombia

Entre la integración y la “contención“

Marcela Ceballos Medina

*Full article is in Spanish

English abstract: This article examines Ecuadoran policy toward the forced migration of Colombians to Ecuador. It identifies the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy, including asylum, for the period 1996-2008. To do this, the author examines two dimensions of immigration policy: the normative framework and political practices (implementation of the normative framework). The article tries to answer the following questions: What are the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy toward Colombian forced migration? How can we explain those changes? The author suggests that the policy oscillates between regional or binational integration and border contention. The variables that explain those changes are: (1) the magnitude of Colombian migration; (2) the transnational dynamics of the internal armed conflict along the Colombia-Ecuador border and the political context in Ecuador; and (3) the international relations of Colombia and Ecuador and the political agenda of the South American region.

Spanish abstract: El propósito del artículo es examinar la respuesta del Estado ecuatoriano a las migraciones forzadas de colombianos hacia ese país, identificando los principales cambios en la política de inmigración (incluida la política de asilo y refugio) de Ecuador durante el periodo 1996- 2008. Para ello, se observan dos dimensiones de la política migratoria ecuatoriana: 1) el marco normativo y 2) las prácticas políticas para la implementación de las normas. La autora se propone responder a las preguntas ¿Cuáles son los principales cambios en la política migratoria del Estado ecuatoriano hacia las migraciones colombianas? ¿Cómo se explican esos cambios? Concluye que la política migratoria de Ecuador hacia las migraciones colombianas oscila entre una posición integracionista y abierta a la inmigración y una política de cierre de fronteras y contención del conflicto armado dentro del territorio colombiano. Las variables que explican dichos cambios son: 1) el creciente flujo de migrantes colombianos hacia Ecuador, 2) las dinámicas transnacionales del conflicto armado colombiano en la frontera y el contexto político al interior del Ecuador, y 3) las relaciones político-diplomáticas entre los dos países y la agenda política en la región suramericana.

French abstract: Cet article examine la politique de l'Équateur concernant l'immigration forcée de Colombiens vers ce pays. Il identifie les changements principaux effectués dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne (en incluant la politique publique d'asile) pour la période 1996-2008. Dans ce but, l'auteur examine deux dimensions de la politique publique d'immigration : 1) le cadre normatif, et 2) les pratiques politiques (la mise en œuvre du cadre normatif). L'auteur souhaite répondre aux questions suivantes : quels sont les changements principaux dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne concernant les migrations colombiennes forcées ? Comment pouvons-nous expliquer ces changements ? L'hypothèse est que la politique d'immigration de l'Équateur oscille entre l'intégration régionale ou binationale et le contrôle des frontières. Les variables perme ant d'expliquer ces changements sont : 1) l'ampleur des migrations colombiennes vers l'Équateur ; 2) les dynamiques transnationales du conflit armé interne au niveau de la frontière colombo-équatorienne et le contexte politique en Équateur ; et 3) les relations internationales entre la Colombie et l'Équateur ainsi que l'agenda politique de la région sud-américaine.

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Lesley Gill

Low-intensity conflicts, counter-insurgencies, and the so-called war on terror blur the boundaries between war and peace and, in doing so, collapse the distinctions between combatants and non-combatants. Scholars have used concepts such as `routinization of terror', `culture of fear', and `banalization of violence' to describe how fear regulates social life in places of extreme instability. These concepts often paint an overgeneralized portrait of violence that fails to examine the social relationships and institutional forms that give rise to terror and insecurity. This article examines the shifting qualities of war and peace in Colombia and argues that daily life in Barrancabermeja—a working-class city nominally `at peace' after a government-backed, paramilitary demobilization process—is a volatile arena of uncertainty in which some people are more vulnerable than others.

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Philipp Naucke

Critics explain the modest success of liberal peacebuilding with the neglect of local particularities. While the local is upgraded in concepts like , the role of the state and the direction of peace operations remain untouched. Following normative models of Western states, most peacebuilding practitioners and scholars assume that the state has an interest in peaceful public order, while local actors are deemed to have no potential for peace transformation. Anthropological concepts assume that the state is not a monolithic entity. Neither is the state seen as having an a priori purpose for existence. This approach allows for the analysis of certain state practices as rational that, from the perspective of normative state models, might appear dysfunctional, e.g. human rights violations by armed forces. In the 50 years of ongoing conflict in Colombia, some state institutions and regional elites seem unwilling to promote a peaceful public order throughout the country. Paradoxically, it is in these conflict regions that some communities have created strategies to increase their safety. Drawing on the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó, I will show how these communities develop the potential for peace as their strategies for self‐protection counteract conflict causes.

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Civil Society and the Indigenous Movement in Colombia

The Consejo Regional Indigena del Cauca

Joanne Rappaport

The membership of Colombian indigenous organizations in civil society has been under debate for the past decade. Indigenous organizations themselves have held various positions with respect to their place in civil society, at times opting for armed struggle and at other times for alliances with popular organizations negotiating with the state. What this implies is that we must trace changing indigenous discourses over time to understand how the movement has both distanced itself from and moved closer to the middle-class organizations and institutions of civil society. This article looks at changing alignments with civil society by the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC) over the past three decades.

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Configuración de ciudadanías indígenas

El reconocimiento limitado de derechos diferenciados en Colombia

Paula A. Hinestroza Blandón

, multiculturalismo y derechos indígenas desde enfoques cercanos a la antropología, la ciencia política y el derecho. También se analizaron diferentes normativas y políticas étnicas, del ámbito internacional, regional y nacional; particularmente en el caso de Colombia

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Proximity, Responsibility and Temporality at Resource Frontiers

Corporate-Community Relations in the Colombian Mining Sector

Laura Knöpfel

Thursday morning, in the community relations office of the coal mining corporation Prodeco Group (Prodeco) in La Jagua de Ibirico, a municipality in El Cesar, Northern Colombia, Linda, an official of the corporation's Social Relations team, was

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María Claudia Mejía Gil and Claudia Puerta Silva

países como Colombia, se da por los denominados conflictos socioambientales por minería, monocultivos, deforestación, entre otras actividades productivas ( Alimonda, 2002 , 2011 ; Alonso & Costa, 2002 ; Gudynas, 2009 ; Svampa, 2008 ) y por el

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Francisco A. Ortega

and disturbances, there had been almost no memorable events in the Viceroyalty of New Granada [roughly present-day Colombia, Panama, and Ecuador] during its years of existence.” 2 Restrepo, like other mid-nineteenth-century observers, contrasted the

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Journeys and landscapes of forced migration

Memorializing fear among refugees and internally displaced Colombians

Pilar Riaño‐Alcalá

In Colombia, a country with a long‐standing multipolar armed conflict, the performance of violence in the form of massacres, selective assassinations, threats, disappearances, rape and forced displacement has turned fear into a powerful language by which the various armed actors communicate with society, reconfigure the landscape and regulate everyday life. Understanding forced migration as a form of displacement under coercion and fear, this article examines forms and notions of memorialized fear that are inscribed in the narratives of displacement and exile of a group of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Colombia and Colombian refugees in Canada. The article explores the relationships between memory, fear, and forced migration as a means to advance an anthropological analysis of the ways people reconstruct their lives in the midst of displacement and change. I suggest that a continuum of fear marks the journeys of displacement and exile of Colombian forced migrants. Fear is expressed as embodied memory and narrative thread to remember the past, the journey of forced migration, the interactions with the forced migration regime and the arrival and experiences in another host society. In the context of change and the liminal situations of IDPs and refugees, I consider the weight of emotions such as fear in shaping experience and remembrance so as to offer a critical starting point in reconsidering approaches towards, and conceptualizations of, identity, re‐establishment of rights and incorporation into new social landscapes.

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Doing things with voices

Colombian ‘kidnap radio’ and the sound of God

Stephen Pax Leonard

Some hostages of the FARC held in the Colombian Amazon spoke of how they believed a certain radio voice could result in an action. For over 20 years, every Saturday night a radio programme broadcast messages from the hostages’ families and loved ones. A small number of these captives recycled the prophetic radio voice in a dialogic interaction with prayer in their inner speech, and this resulted in what they believed to be the voice of God. By assigning them new identities, the hostages were through a process of performative listening ‘doing things’ with voices in the Austinian sense. This article takes Austin’s work in a new direction by exploring the primary performative function of voice. By analysing localised ideologies of voice through the complex discourse of prisoners’ reflexive self‐analyses, it adds the dimension of vocality to speech act theory. Research with Colombian hostages shows that inner voice can be used to invoke linguistic representations of God in the absence of any tuition.