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To Bear Witness After the Era of the Witness

The Projects of Christophe Boltanski and Ivan Jablonka

Donald Reid

not these, but his grandparents who inhabited them. The Communist Party was outlawed in interwar Poland, so Matès and Idesa lived illegally in Poland and then in Third Republic France, where their efforts to regularize their situation were unsuccessful

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David Drake

This article considers Sartre's relations with the French Communist Party (PCF) in the years immediately following the Liberation when the PCF considered that, of all the prominent French intellectuals, it was Sartre who posed the greatest threat. This article opens by situating the PCF within the French political landscape immediately after the Liberation and addressing its attitudes towards intellectuals. It then examines the main themes of the attacks launched by the PCF, between 1944 and the staging of Les Mains sales (Dirty Hands) in 1948, on both Sartre and existentialism and the reasons for these attacks. It concludes by noting the differences between the PCF and Sartre on three specific political issues during this period.

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Grigorii L. Olekh

In the immediate post-Soviet communist period, investigators were eager to expose the privileged and wealthy life-style of Communist Party (CP) officials, lumping them all together both sociologically and chronologically. This created a false impression that all CP workers had always enjoyed material and other advantages ever since the Revolution. Using material from Siberian archives, the author suggests that, on the contrary, during the early 1920s, workers in the CP provincial, district and regional committees experienced severe material hardship, and often received no wages at all for long periods. The parlous condition of the Soviet economy as a whole at this time was reflected in the low, or non-existent, pay of Party functionaries, and in the inefficiency, confusions and tensions between the central authorities and regional officials struggling to carry out their Party work on a shoe-string, often living at barely subsistence levels. Various 'Party perks' - for example, in the form of free medical provision or low-cost housing - often existed on paper only. The small gains that were made, however, whetted an appetite for their enlargement and consolidation.

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Dynamics of Multidimensional Interaction

The Beijing Upheaval of 1989 Revisited

Rilly Chen and Fei Yan

This article provides a multidimensional approach to understanding the interactional dynamics of political contention. By reexamining the highly influential case of the Beijing student movement in 1989 with newly published memoirs from top party leaders and central student figures of the movement, we show more clearly that the escalating conflict between the government and protesters and their nuanced interplay grew, developed, and took on its own identity as the process evolved. It was the increasingly boisterous divisions within both the Communist Party and the student body itself, coupled with their close interactional relationship and interdependence, that resulted in a violent outcome that neither party had envisaged or intended. This finding suggests that multidimensional interactions may have triggered causal processes that escalated both the scale and the influence of the mobilization.

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Daniel F. Ziblatt

The collapse of communism did not follow any single path in east

central Europe. In Hungary and Poland, the transition was marked

by early negotiations between opposition elites and the ruling Communist

party. In East Germany and Czechoslovakia, the regimes fell

victim to a sudden and quick implosion. In Romania and Bulgaria,

internal coups replaced the ruling communist elite with other members

of the nomenklatura. The transitions away from communist rule

diverged from each other in timing, manner, and degree.

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War and Memory

The Israeli Communist Commemoration of the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1986

Amir Locker-Biletzki

Brigades (IB). The aim of this article is to explore how the Spanish Civil War and the (mostly Jewish) Palestinian volunteers in the IB were commemorated by the Palestine Communist Party (PKP), the Israeli Communist Party (Maki), and the Israeli Young

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Sartre in Austria

Boycott, Scandals, and the Fight for Peace

Juliane Werner

’s seeming readiness to suddenly cooperate with the Communists is related to the failure of the troisième voie , Sartre’s endeavor to create a left-wing movement more democratic than the French Communist Party (PCF) and more revolutionary than the social

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Raluca Maria Popa

Source discussed: Ana Pauker’s 11 February 1946 report at the Conference of the core group of women activists (Consfătuirea activului de bază feminin) regarding the political situation, the International Congress of Women in Paris, and the founding of the Women’s Democratic Federation of Romania (nine pages), Arhivele Naţionale Centrale ale României (National Central Archives of Romania), Fond Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party, Chancellery volume I, file 13/1946, pp. 1–9.

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Filippo Andreatta and Elisabetta Brighi

Italian foreign policy has always been greatly influenced by the country’s

domestic politics. Certain important historical processes have

made it considerably difficult to separate the country’s external representation

from its domestic political equilibria. This state of affairs

has had a considerable bearing on Italy’s international standing,

which has been inhibited and therefore weakened as a result. The

country’s fragile national tradition, the legacy of a ruinous dictatorship,

and, in particular, the instability of the government, which

underlies the very nature of the proportional electoral system—

together with the existence of the largest communist party outside

the Soviet bloc—have hindered the formation of a bipartisan consensus

and of a foreign policy free from domestic pressures.

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The Different Faces of a Celebration

The Greek Course of International Women's Day, 1924–2010

Angelika Psarra

This article examines the history of International Women's Day (IWD) in Greece from its first celebration in 1924 until 2010. IWD was introduced in Greece by the KKE (Communist Party of Greece) and remained a communist ritual for fifty years. After the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974, the anniversary gradually acquired a wide acceptance and has since been adopted by feminist groups and organizations, trade unions, and parties from the entire political spectrum. The article follows the transformations of the celebration, explores its nebulous genealogy and the myths about its origins, and discusses its impressive ability to survive in diverse socio-political contexts.