This article shows how the model of the ideal patriotic woman, established through propaganda activities between two competitive ideologies in Croatia during the Second World War, have been transformed and adapted to accommodate diverse genres of memory culture from 1945 until the present day. In order to indicate the inter- relation of media-ideological constructs and self-definition, the authors have compared cultural representation models of ‘acceptable’ and ‘obnoxious’ females in war time with ethnographical interviews conducted with women at the celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of the Antifašistički front žena (Women’s Anti-Fascist Front, AFŽ) Istrian Conference in 2004. The contrast between recollections and culturally constructed official memory shows how the memories of women, as autonomous historical subjects, resist the imposed collective amnesia on the anti-fascist movement, although these women also leave many ‘unsuitable truths’ untold about their subordinate role within the anti-fascist movement.
Women as Seen through the Media
Renata Jambrešić Kirin and Reana Senjković
Tax Reform and Economic Governance in Istria, Croatia
tasting room. Elena had wrongly input the charge for their wine and was frantically trying to resolve it. She explained that the system debited VAT from their account immediately and paid it to Carina, the Croatian national tax office. This was problematic
Jeremy F. Walton and Piro Rexhepi
specific successor nation-states: Kosovo, Macedonia, Croatia, and Slovenia. We have chosen this constellation of post-Yugoslav states strategically. 2 In general, treatments of Islam in the western Balkans privilege Bosnia, and Sarajevo in particular
Cultural and Spatial Intimacy in Croatia and Turkey
Jeremy F. Walton
Based on ethnographic research in Croatia and Turkey, this article explores two projects of inter-religious tolerance in relation to broader logics of cultural and spatial intimacy. In the Croatian case, the focus is on the public discourse surrounding Rijeka's Nova Džamija [New Mosque] which pivoted on a perception of the shared victimization of Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosnians at the hands of Serbs during the wars of the 1990s. For Turkey, we focus on a project in Ankara that aims to provide a single site of worship for Sunni and Alevi Muslims, a 'mosque-cem house'. The analysis highlights some common formations of tolerance and cultural intimacy expressed by both projects, as well as the divergent spatial practices and modes of spatial intimacy that distinguish the two sites.
A Croatian Example
In this paper I explore the link between research into contemporary alternative medical practices (CAM) and activism. It is based on my recent research (2004-2007) which dealt with the interrelatedness and coexistence of biomedical and non-biomedical systems in the city of Zagreb. The process of adoption and introduction of CAM to Western European countries started some twenty years ago and in Zagreb the process was evident after the fall of communism. My research started with patients and their attitudes towards illness, health, well-being and suffering, factors that determined their choice of therapies and healers. However, hearing stories of people's experiences of CAM propelled me into the role of therapist as listener and, through attending to the silence surrounding the use of CAM in a relatively hostile society, the role of anthropologist as activist. Through the process of understanding and interpreting sensitive cultural practices, I explore whether anthropologists are uniquely placed to actively protect the rights of people to whom they owe their science.
Ethnography of an EU Erasmus+ Project
Terry Lamb and Danila Mayer
five organisations: Tumult in Belgium, the World of NGOs in Austria, the Centre for Peace in Croatia, forumZFD in Germany and the University of Westminster in the United Kingdom. Running from 2017 to 2019, the project consisted of thorough desk research
Everyday Ethnic Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina
strengthened throughout the war. As the carving up the territory of Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzogovina along ethnic lines gained more and more predominance and as the war progressed with assaults on Muslims by both Croats and Serbs, leading Muslims became
Public Discourse in Interwar Yugoslavia on the Status of Women in Turkey (1923–1939)
Turkey, as it shifted toward a modern nation-state, occupied the attention of the public discourse in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (or Kingdom of SHS), which was established in 1918 and changed its name in 1929 to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia
Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, Julian Pänke, and Jochen Roose
from exercising its increased power and was rather seeking the role of a “gentle giant.” 1 This was largely the case despite some exceptions, such as the unilateral recognition of Croatian and Slovenian independence in the early 1990s, and criticism
Muslim Women and Public Writing in Habsburg Bosnia and Herzegovina (1878–1918)
This article focuses on the public writings of Muslim women in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Habsburg period. From the beginning of the twentieth century, several Muslim women, mainly schoolgirls and teachers at Sarajevo's Muslim Female School, started for the first time to write for Bosnian literary journals, using the Serbo-Croatian language written in Latin or Cyrillic scripts. Before the beginning of World War I, a dozen Muslim women explored different literary genres—the poem, novel, and social commentary essay. In the context of the expectations of a growing Muslim intelligentsia educated in Habsburg schools and of the anxieties of the vast majority of the Muslim population, Muslim women contested late Ottoman gender norms and explored, albeit timidly, new forms of sisterhood, thus making an original contribution to the construction of a Bosnian, post-Ottoman public sphere.