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Jeroen P. van der Sluijs

Uncertainty complexity and dissent make climate change hard to tackle with normal scientific procedures. In a post-normal perspective the normal science task of "getting the facts right" is still regarded as necessary but no longer as fully feasible nor as sufficient to interface science and policy. It needs to be complemented with a task of exploring the relevance of deep uncertainty and ignorance that limit our ability to establish objective, reliable, and valid facts. This article explores the implications of this notion for the climate science policy interface. According to its political configuration the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) adopted a "speaking consensus to power" approach that sees uncertainty and dissent as a problematic lack of unequivocalness (multiple contradictory truths that need to be mediated into a consensus). This approach can be distinguished from two other interface strategies: the "speaking truth to power approach," seeing uncertainties as a temporary lack of perfection in the knowledge (truth with error bars) and the "working deliberatively within imperfections" approach, accepting uncertainty and scientific dissent as facts of life (irreducible ignorance) of which the policy relevance needs be explored explicitly. The article recommends more openness for dissent and explicit reflection on ignorance in IPCC process and reporting.

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Dancing in Solidarity and Dissent

JCM 2015, Wuppertal

Mark L. Solomon

share my need, my taste, my consciousness. Out of this dichotomy of self and other, group and individual, is born the tension that I have been asked to explore with you, from a very personal perspective, of solidarity and dissent. Some people tend by

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Suburban Dissent

Defining Neighborhood Space and Place in Perth, Western Australia

Jocelyn D. Avery

in the neighborhood. This suggests a history of suburban dissent and contested space—when a geographic location becomes a site of conflict over power and resources ( Low and Lawrence-Zúñiga 2003b: 18–19 ). To answer the question and understand its

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Unreasonable rage, disobedient dissent

The social construction of student activists and the limits of student engagement

Jessica Gagnon

protestors expect that their critiques, their dissent against the current state of our political, economic and social worlds will be taken seriously? When will their rage be seen as reasonable? In another post-Referendum article published in the Financial

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“Urban renewal with dancing and music”?

The renewal machine's struggle to organize hegemony in Turkey

Cansu Civelek

kinship relations in forming differentiated layers of consent and dissent while demonstrating how socioeconomic structures and inequalities in society are used, reproduced, and mutually constituted during organization of hegemony, which led to new

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“Clear and Present Danger”

The Legacy of the 1917 Espionage Act in the United States

Petra DeWitt

municipal ordinances controlled most dissent, but such local activities also ended with the conclusion of the war. 8 Congress’s passage of the Espionage Act in 1917 and its amendment, the Sedition Act of 1918, added a new dynamic by denying Americans the

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A State of Force

The Repressive Policing of Contention in Queensland under Frederic Urquhart

Paul Bleakley

attempts to limit expressions of political dissent” (1987: 37). While the management of civil unrest is undoubtedly a legitimate police function, it is less evident whether the use of force against civil protesters can be considered reasonable or

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More than Luck

Australian Protest in a Social Movement Society

Ben Hightower and Scott East

exercise of this fundamental freedom” ( Forst 2018 ). Contesting inequitable political and legislative systems and their lack of commitment to social justice is in part what prompts people to dissent. There are many forms of protest. They can be planned

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Jean Terrier

allow for difference and dissent—be it of the political, religious, or cultural kind. Despite some divergences in their views, we can summarize their pluralism thusly: to begin with, they believed (against Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and in the tradition of

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Organized criminals, human rights defenders, and oil companies

Weaponization of the RICO Act across jurisdictional borders

Lindsay Ofrias and Gordon Roecker

criminalization of dissent. First, we discussed how the Ecuadorian plaintiffs transgressed their perceived “role” as weak and insignificant by mobilizing resources and winning a landmark judgment against one of the most powerful oil companies in the world. Second