The article begins with Pierre Rosanvallon's account of the mutations of 'Jacobin ideology' and the function of sociology in criticising this in France at the end of the nineteenth century. I suggest it was not Durkheim's intention simply to criticise a 'Jacobin' form of political ideology. Rather, it was to construct an affinity between sociological explanation and social facts, such that sociological discourse would appropriate the sphere of the political and take part, by so doing, in the constitution of a participative social democracy. I then touch on the post-mortem academicisation of Durkheim's work in France between the wars, to ask if the emergent Durkheimianism neutralised Durkheim's original socio-political intentions. This leads to a discussion of the resurgent domination of the discourse of politics in the 1960s, as manifested in Aron's critiques of Durkheim and in his defence of constitutional law at the beginning of the Fifth Republic, but also to an examination of Bourdieu's attempt to retrieve Durkheim's original orientation and to revive the political dynamism of social movements. I comment on the analysis, made in the 1970s by Bourdieu (and Boltanski), of the construction of the dominant postwar ideology in French politics, which includes their critique of 'planification' and of the work, amongst others, of Jacques Delors. They saw the language used by the newly dominant political managers as exploiting the sociological discourse of 'solidarity' and 'social exclusion', not to realize its intentions, but to reinforce their own control. I briefly consider the argument's implications for an analysis of European Commission social policy initiatives during the presidency of Delors, comment on the British Conservative government's objections in the 1980s and 1990s to the very use of this language, and ask if the Labour government's adoption of the discourse of 'social inclusion' in 1997 was indicative of either a political or a social agenda. Finally, I return to Rosanvallon and situate his work politically within the ideological debate of 1995 between him and Bourdieu. It is to conclude with the suggestion that Rosanvallon's apparent disinclination to recognize the importance of Durkheim's work is indicative of his present position-taking, which necessarily entails a suppression of Durkheim's real intentions.
From Solidarity to Social Inclusion
The Political Transformations of Durkheimianism
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texte publié en 1994, “Les quatre piliers de l’éducation,” 22 par Jacques Delors, qui a été président de la Commission européenne de 1985 à 1995, revêt une importance particulière pour cette vision de l’éducation. Le texte a été largement diffusé par l
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state and the loss of national sovereignty that would entail. She also took particular dislike to European Commission President Jacques Delors after he told the Trades Union Congress in September 1988 that Britain's labour movement should embrace a
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engage in planning, while private companies develop products. When BMW President M. Von Kunheim and the European manufacturers’ lobby met with Commission President Jacques Delors in 1992, he confirmed that “manufacturers mostly expect public authorities
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main language of the European institutions. After Monnet, the second most important figure in fashioning European integration was Frenchman Jacques Delors, who presided over the European Commission from 1985 to 1995. During the uncertain times following
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