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Jonathan Elukin

and the Devil for man’s soul: ‘Antonio, who assumes the debts of others … reflects on occasion the role of Christ satisfying the claim of Divine Justice by assuming the sins of mankind … And Shylock, demanding the “bond” which is due him under the law

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The Devil’s Money

A Multi-level Approach to Acceleration and Turbulence in Oil-Producing Southern Chad

Andrea Behrends and Remadji Hoinathy

proverb like nodji la godo (no family ties with money) expresses the corrosive effect of money on social interactions. To Hoinathy (2013: 228) , it came as no surprise that oil money has been given another new name: la ndil (the devil’s money). Oil

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Yaffa Wolfman

In this article we shall attempt to show that despite the originality of Sartre's writings and the original philosophical views they contain, his reliance on Goethe's Faust in The Devil and the Good Lord proves that he was quite familiar with the components of the former and made intensive use of them in his own play. A comparative analysis of the two texts will show that Sartre exploited any ethical problem, human act, historical name and fact which he was able to fit into his own philosophical and social positions and which could contribute to his dramatic art.

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Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea

A Response to Nigel Rapport’s ‘Cosmopolitan Politesse’

Marilyn Strathern

. Nonetheless, Katharina was caught up at a time when a new governor, supported by the local judges and in the face of Lutheran teaching that witches were not capable of actual harm (their pact with the devil was another matter), decided to take witchcraft

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Angel in the House, Devil in the City

Explorations of Gender in Dracula and Penny Dreadful

Lauren Rocha

not a grinning devil now – not any more a foul Thing for all eternity’. 5 No longer posing a threat, Lucy can now have agency expressed onto her. Lucy’s transformation is alarming in that it presents her as a deviant mother. Andrew Smith highlights

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Douglas Smith

In June 1951, Sartre’s play The Devil and the Good Lord (Le Diable et le Bon Dieu) was first produced at the Théâtre Antoine in Paris. Set during the German Peasants’ War, the play recounts the story of Goetz, a military leader who transforms himself from a feared and notorious war criminal into a saint and folk hero through a series of arbitrary acts of clemency and generosity. First sparing the besieged town of Worms from total destruction, Goetz then proceeds to break up his own estates and redistribute the land among the peasantry. Far from being presented as an ethical conversion from Evil to Good, however, Goetz’s generosity is twice criticised within the play as a strategem to achieve even greater domination over the beneficiaries of his mercy and munificence.

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Conflicted Power of the Pen

The Impact of French Internment on the Pacifist Convictions and Literary Imagination of Lion Feuchtwanger

Nicole Dombrowski Risser

, The Devil in France , and Simone , demarcate Feuchtwanger’s political transformation. In 1940, Viking issued Paris Gazette . Titled “Exile” in French, the novel offered an autobiographical exploration of the difficulties faced by German exiles living

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Michelle Brock

Demonic belief in Scotland has primarily been addressed in the context of the witch-trials, in which the devil appeared as an external figure that convinced morally weak people (mostly women) to renounce their baptisms, enter into a demonic pact, and commit atrocious crimes. Encountering the devil, however, could also be a very personal, internal experience that arose from the questions of sin and salvation that formed an intrinsic part of reformed Protestant piety. I propose that in order to understand the importance of the devil to early modern Scotland, and Europe more generally, we must look beyond the witch trials and the dichotomy of good versus evil and ask how early modern men and women actually experienced the devil in their daily lives. By exploring the diaries and letters of both ministers and laymen in seventeenth-century Scotland, I demonstrate that the devil was not simply an evil, non-human "Other"; for early modern Scots, the demonic represented something innate and intimate about humanity itself, serving as a constant reminder of the moral depravity man, the potential for God's wrath, and the insecurity of salvation.

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Jeffrey Kopstein

Gareth Pritchard, The Making of the GDR: From Anti-Fascism to Stalinism, 1945-1953 (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2000)

M.E. Sarotte, Dealing with the Devil: East Germany and Ostpolitik, 1969-1973 (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001)

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Clive James

When I first read him more than forty years ago, I thought Peter Porter was the same age as he is now. Impressed by his evident conviction that the modern world was essentially a Technicolor version of one of those Dürer woodcuts in which the knightly rider was flanked by death and the Devil in his journey through a landscape ravaged by war and plague, I pictured the agonised artist as a gaunt, white-bearded figure hunched under a velvet cap, setting down his long-pondered apocalyptic visions by candlelight. Not that his poems creaked: indeed they hurtled. But, however long their rhythmic breath and legato their line, they still sounded like the last gasps of a sage, and all the sages I had ever heard of had whiskers on them.