Violence defines the global experience of fascism as an ideology, movement, and regime, as well as its subsequent reception after 1945. This article is part of this a transnational trend in the study of fascism examining such violence, but it also proposes to expand it by way of studying its transatlantic repercussions in the postwar period, especially in terms of what I call a “transcontextual history” of trauma and especially for the case of the so-called Argentine Dirty War. I argue there is a need for understanding these transnational dimensions of fascist violence for victims and perpetrators in light of an equally significant transcontextual emphasis on the traumatic fascist genealogies of the Cold War.
What will be the future of war? No-one can tell for sure, and so there is much speculation and many contending views. In this article I discuss one of those views, the notion that war of the future will primarily be a protracted form of terrorism, insurgency, and low-intensity conflict within 'failed' states and civilizations, which will sometimes lapse into ethnic cleansing and genocide. It will be 'dirty war'. The antagonists will be rage-filled 'warriors'. War will be fought in the wastelands of the Third World. Wars will occur because of state failure, rather than because of state strength and expansion. They will feature 'irregular' forces rather than the disciplined hierarchical armies that have been the defining characteristic of recent Western military history. Frequently, the military forces of developed societies will be drawn into these conflicts. This is a plausible view of the future, one that is influential in Washington, and a number of serious academics2 subscribe to it.
Politics and participation in the marches of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo
Victoria Ana Goddardl
This article explores ways in which the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo confronted the state on the violence perpetrated during Argentina's "dirty war" during the 1970s and early 1980s. Focusing particularly on the Marches of Resistance initiated during the last years of the military regime in 1981, the article argues that their resistance had an important effect on political culture, encouraging participation and innovative forms of political action. At the same time, shifts in political conditions also caused internal changes in the Mothers' movement. A discussion of the circumstances that resulted in a schism within the movement and current divergences in conducting the marches leads to reflections on different interpretations of the political.
The rationale for this special section of Conflict and Society lies in anthropology’s relatively recent and steadily growing application to the study of political violence in its various manifestations, from everyday instances of subtle structural violence to more overt cases of war and mass atrocities. In the late 1990s, Carolyn Nordstrom’s (1997) work among soldiers and ordinary civilians whose lives had been intimately affected by Mozambique’s civil war and Antonius Robben’s (1996) work among survivors and perpetrators of Argentina’s Dirty War enabled an important shift among ethnographers. Whereas in the past ethnographers typically focused on violence and warfare in substate and prestate societies, Nordstrom and Robben emphasized the foundations of political violence in complex state societies. Their work led to the emergence of a small cohort of ethnographers—among them Philippe Bourgois (2003), Nancy Scheper-Hughes (1997, 2002), and Neil Whitehead (2002, 2004)—specialized in what was soon termed “the ethnography of political violence”
Bifurcated Veterans’ Mobilization and Political Order in Post-settlement El Salvador
Republicana Nationalista (Republican Nationalist Alliance—ARENA), founded in 1981 by the paramilitary strongmen of the dirty war against alleged insurgents ( Arnson 2002 ) governed El Salvador until 2009, when the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación
Convicted Military Officers in Post-authoritarian Argentina
Eva van Roekel and Valentina Salvi
the military also changed and alternated between “just war,” “war against subversion,” “dirty war,” “nonconventional war,” “fratricidal war,” and “civil war.” One way to overcome the declining status and inarticulate position of the armed forces as
Imaginaries of Protest in Nicaragua
Ileana L. Selejan
relatives disappeared during the Dirty War. 7 The August 12 protest escalated after participants graffitied the Procuraduría , finally breaking through the front doors of the building. City Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum qualified the incident as a ‘provocation
Humour and Revolution in the 2019 Venice Pavilions of Chile and Egypt
Chrisoula Lionis and Alkisti Efthymiou
's demands for labour rights and equality in 1848 Vienna; the European ‘human zoos’ and the popularisation of scientific racism; the hysterification of female experience at the Salpetriere psychiatric hospital; the Dirty War and the US involvement in
Between the Forensic and Affective Turns
Carolina Robledo Silvestre and Paola Alejandra Ramírez González
framework of the Dirty War. In this period, the practice was part of a mechanism of political repression that the State exercised against dissidents – mostly young people – who rebelled against the policies of social inequality and the null spaces for their
Vernaculars of the Right to Truth
Astrid Jamar and Laura Major
activism in Latin America, most especially associated with activism around ‘the disappeared’ of Argentina's Dirty War in the 1970s and 1980s ( Naftali 2017 ). The concept was then integrated into the UN Principles to Combat Impunity: ‘Every people has the