-running campaign by right-wing Eurosceptic groups for the UK to exit the European Union (EU). Wider societal divisions are revealed by the Brexit (British Exit) vote ( Goodwin and Heath 2016 ), and it is proposed that the social quality approach can be useful to
Euroscepticism, Populism, Nationalism, and Societal Division
Polya Ilieva and Thomas M. Wilson
This article examines forms of ideological and political responses to European integration and Europeanisation that are either negative in form and function or that are projected as such for local and national purposes. The concept of 'Euroscepticism' is shown here as a useful linguistic and sociological starting point for examining the transformative power of the EU in the politics of all levels of European societies. The ways in which people express their support, opposition or ennui in regard to the role of 'Europe' in their lives delineates here the instrumentalism in the way they approach advancing European integration. The processes of resisting, negotiating and adapting (and adapting to) European integration are offered here as topics of anthropological significance in their own right. A case study from one former socialist country, Bulgaria, illustrates what may be suggested as a commonplace sentiment throughout the EU - a feeling of marginality due to the disconnection and disaffection that remain at the heart of Euroscepticism in all of its forms. Bulgaria offers a frame through which to reflect on the reformulations in local, regional and national political society as they relate to supranational and transnational forces throughout Europe, and to illustrate how an anthropological attention to the issues of post-socialism in Central and Eastern Europe may bene fit from an examination of the new forces of European integration.
The 2012 French presidential election witnessed an increase in discussion about the European Union and its policies. To an equal degree the two top contenders, Nicolas Sarkozy and Fran?ois Hollande, criticized European policies and made promises to rectify EU mistakes, if elected. European institutions and decisions became scapegoats for domestic failures and tough economic choices, reflecting a long-term surge in Euroscepticism among French voters, especially in comparison to EU averages. Both candidates sought advantage by engaging in “EU-Negative“ campaigns to be able to mobilize as many potential voters as possible. Surprisingly, a half-year of EU criticisms has not led, at least in the short term, to a further increase in anti-EU positions in the public opinion.
Maesen and Walker 2012: 90 ). References Corbett , S. 2016 . “ The Social Consequences of Brexit for the UK and Europe: Euroscepticism, Populism, Nationalism, and Societal Division .” International Journal of Social Quality 6 ( 1 ): 11 – 32 Van
European Unity and the Conceptualization of Sovereignty in British Parliamentary Debates, 1945–2016
Teemu Häkkinen and Miina Kaarkoski
idea of parliamentary sovereignty had influenced Euroscepticism since the 1970s. 48 In the wider public debate, both the analytical question who or which institution possessed sovereignty surfaced alongside the more general notion of the nation
An Unfortunate Case of Anglo-Saxon Parochialism?
be built through the ‘willing and active collaboration between independent sovereign states’ ( Thatcher 1988 ). This was deliberate. There existed, from the mid-1980s onwards, a current of ‘Euroscepticism’ in British politics which was a product of
Anti-Immigrant Attitudes and Support for the Alternative for Germany among Russian-Germans
Michael A. Hansen and Jonathan Olsen
: Finally a Right-Wing Populist Movement in Germany?” German Politics 24, no. 2 (2015): 154–178; Robert Grimm, “The Rise of the German Eurosceptic party Alternative für Deutschland: Between Ordoliberal Critique and Popular Anxiety,” International
Coverage of the 2017 Bundestag Election
Alexander Beyer and Steven Weldon
, helped make immigration highly salient for the election, and this was an issue with which the AfD was already strongly associated. Priming: Immigration and Euroscepticism For the issues close to the AfD and other far-right, populist parties, issue
The Evolution of 20 Years of Social Quality Thinking
communities in the city of Stoke-on-Trent in the United Kingdom, which had one of the highest percentages of the Leave votes resulting in Brexit. These voters were oriented to Euroscepticism, populism, and nationalism, as earlier discussed in this journal
The Alternative for Germany and the Working Class
Eurosceptic Party for Germany?”, West European Politics 38, no. 3 (2015): 535–556, doi: 10.1080/01402382.2015.1004230 . 41 See Robert Grimm, “The rise of the German Eurosceptic party Alternative für Deutschland, between ordoliberal critique and popular