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D'une laïcité à l'autre

les débats sur le voile et la mémoire de la loi Ferry

Mayyada Kheir

Throughout the 2004 headscarf affair, both partisans and opponents of the law have claimed to stand for laïcité, this founding value of the Third Republic. While there were of course many other issues at stake—including, but not limited to, feminism, postcolonialism, the banlieues problem—it is impossible to understand the scope and the positions of this debate without taking into account the importance of laïciteacute; in French history. This paper presents an analysis of one of the founding debates on French laïcité, the one leading to the Ferry law of 1882 on non-confessional education in public primary schools. By examining more closely the birth of the école laïque, we hope to offer a new perspective on the contemporary issues.

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La Commission Stasi

Entre Laïcité Républicaine et Multiculturelle

Jean Baubérot

In December 2003, the Stasi Commission, appointed by the President of France, recommended prohibiting public school students from wearing conspicuous religious symbols or apparel. This recommendation was quickly enacted, becoming the Law of 15 March 2004. This law is meant to be an application of the "principle of laïcité," which is part of the French Constitution. The law speaks in terms of a general prohibition, but in fact essentially targets the wearing of the headscarf by young Muslims, a practice that had been permitted in French schools since late 1989. The present article attempts to explain the particular conditions within which the problem arose in France and to render an account of the work of the Stasi Commission, of which the author was a member. In conclusion, the article offers a critical evaluation of the effects of the law.

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Symptomatic Politics

The Banning of Islamic Head Scarves in French Public Schools

Joan W. Scott

The events that became known as the affaires de foulard began on 3 October 1989, when three Muslim girls who refused to remove their head scarves were expelled from their middle school in the town of Creil, about thirty miles outside of Paris. The headmaster, Eugène Chenière, claimed he was acting to enforce laïcité––the French version of secularism. According to Chenière, laïcité–– a concept whose meaning would be furiously debated in the months and years that followed––was an inviolable and transparent principle, one of the pillars of republican universalism. The school was the cradle of laïcité, the place where the values of the French republic were nurtured and inculcated. It was, therefore, in the public schools that France had to hold the line against what he later termed “the insidious jihad.”

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Francités, islamités

Compositions citoyennes et religieuses des jeunes musulmans français d'origine maghrébine

Nancy Venel

Depuis une dizaine d'années émerge en France une « conscience musulmane » concurremment prescrite, révélée et assumée sous l'effet d'une actualité nationale et internationale propice et d'une interaction avec la perception et l'énonciation par la culture nationale dominante des populations concernées. Il n'est qu'à évoquer le discours médiatique, où les « beurs », « jeunes de la deuxième génération » ou « Fran?ais d'origine maghrébine » cèdent progressivement la place aux « jeunes musulmans »—catégorie pour le moins restrictive qui donne une inflexion religieuse à des identités qui ne le sont ni fatalement, ni exclusivement. D'une part, le regard que l'on porte sur les populations d'origine maghrébine, et plus spécifiquement sur les « jeunes », s'est islamisé; d'autre part, la focalisation des débats publics sur l'islam (au travers, entre autres, des rebondissements de l'affaire du foulard et du vote d'une loi réglementant le port de signes religieux à l'école) a contribué à cristalliser un esprit de solidarité, voire une co-appartenance islamique.

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Camille Robcis and Benjamin Poole

Noiriel, on the trajectories of former Marxist thinkers such as Régis Debray and Alain Finkielkraut, and on specific neo-republican laws and events such as the bicentennial celebration of the French Revolution, the affaire du foulard , and the parité

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Anna-Leena Toivanen

 … parfums, foulards, vins fins”(propelled into another world … neon lighting, soft music, shops, shops … perfumes, scarves, fine wines). 107 This “other world” of the global airport, imbued with consumer culture and lacking local identity, clearly resonates

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Derrière le massacre d’État

Ancrages politiques, sociaux et territoriaux de la « démonstration de masse » du 17 octobre 1961 à Paris

Emmanuel Blanchard

beaucoup d’autres partagés par les ouvrières ou les paysannes françaises 63 . Elles portaient des foulards—le plus souvent des fichus de paysannes—ou étaient sorties tête nue ; certaines étaient maquillées et conservaient un tube de rouge à lèvres dans leur