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Joel Blatt

Gayle K. Brunelle and Annette Finley-Croswhite, Murder in the Metro: Laetitia Toureaux and the Cagoule in 1930s France (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2010).

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Interwar Fascism and the Franchise

Women's Suffrage and the Ligues

Daniella Sarnoff

This article addresses the fascist leagues' policies and philosophies regarding the political role of women, particularly the question of female suffrage. Unlike the parliamentary Right, which did not attempt to mobilize women until 1935, the fascist leagues envisioned women as key political players as early as 1924. Often invoking female work and sacrifice during the war, as well as women's supposedly superior moral aptitude, the leagues presented themselves as the forces that truly respected women's potential and importance in the state. To the leagues the domestic identities and concerns of women were not only compatible with fascist notions of politics, but rendered women potentially better fascists and citizens. Leaders of the organizations expected women to be wives and mothers, producing more children for France, while at the same time the leagues advocated that women engage in national politics and world affairs.

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William D. Irvine

Scholars of Third Republic France have long assumed that the political spectrum was divided into a readily identifiable Right and Left, adhering to mutually exclusive positions. But this comfortable political taxonomy could, at times, to violence to political reality. The Right could at some periods in the history of the Third Republic be aggressively nationalistic; at other times it could be positively irenic. The Left was often pacifist, but not always and there were moments when it, or some fraction of it, could be quite bellicose. Neither anti-Semitism nor racism in general were the exclusive province of the Right. On critical issues, the Left could be more refractory to women's rights than was the Right. French fascism claimed to be neither right nor left and at least some French fascist movements could list as many former members of the Left among its leaders as former members of the Right.

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John Gillespie, Kyle Shuttleworth, Nik Farrell Fox, and Mike Neary

version of Cuban history is centred on the political economy of sugar production. Rowlandson emphasises the context in which Sartre is writing, not only in Cuba but also in France, against French fascism: as a ‘counter-ambassador to the French Republic

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Michael B. Loughlin

; repr., Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994). 93 Robert J. Soucy, “The Nature of Fascism in France,” Journal of Contemporary History 1, no. 1 (1966): 27–55; Robert J. Soucy, French Fascism: The First Wave, 1924–1933 (New Haven, CT: Yale