Gayle K. Brunelle and Annette Finley-Croswhite, Murder in the Metro: Laetitia Toureaux and the Cagoule in 1930s France (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2010).
Women's Suffrage and the Ligues
This article addresses the fascist leagues' policies and philosophies regarding the political role of women, particularly the question of female suffrage. Unlike the parliamentary Right, which did not attempt to mobilize women until 1935, the fascist leagues envisioned women as key political players as early as 1924. Often invoking female work and sacrifice during the war, as well as women's supposedly superior moral aptitude, the leagues presented themselves as the forces that truly respected women's potential and importance in the state. To the leagues the domestic identities and concerns of women were not only compatible with fascist notions of politics, but rendered women potentially better fascists and citizens. Leaders of the organizations expected women to be wives and mothers, producing more children for France, while at the same time the leagues advocated that women engage in national politics and world affairs.
William D. Irvine
Scholars of Third Republic France have long assumed that the political spectrum was divided into a readily identifiable Right and Left, adhering to mutually exclusive positions. But this comfortable political taxonomy could, at times, to violence to political reality. The Right could at some periods in the history of the Third Republic be aggressively nationalistic; at other times it could be positively irenic. The Left was often pacifist, but not always and there were moments when it, or some fraction of it, could be quite bellicose. Neither anti-Semitism nor racism in general were the exclusive province of the Right. On critical issues, the Left could be more refractory to women's rights than was the Right. French fascism claimed to be neither right nor left and at least some French fascist movements could list as many former members of the Left among its leaders as former members of the Right.
consequences that extended into the 1930s and that saw collaboration under Vichy. Durkheim's intervention can be seen as a critique of a thinking which went on to create a distinct form of French fascism. And this is also an important philosophical prelude to
John Gillespie, Kyle Shuttleworth, Nik Farrell Fox, and Mike Neary
version of Cuban history is centred on the political economy of sugar production. Rowlandson emphasises the context in which Sartre is writing, not only in Cuba but also in France, against French fascism: as a ‘counter-ambassador to the French Republic
A Conversation Between Robert Bernasconi and Jonathan Judaken on Racism and Existentialism
Robert Bernasconi and Jonathan Judaken
the history of anti-racism, is he thought about racism in capacious ways that I would now call racial entanglement. Sartre began his political interventions by critiquing anti-Semitism and French fascism. As you know Robert, in the postwar period he
Gustave Hervé and the Great War
Michael B. Loughlin
; repr., Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994). 93 Robert J. Soucy, “The Nature of Fascism in France,” Journal of Contemporary History 1, no. 1 (1966): 27–55; Robert J. Soucy, French Fascism: The First Wave, 1924–1933 (New Haven, CT: Yale
The anthropological conundrum
Douglas R. Holmes
, gave him a new and expanded audience. Second, and more disturbing, it tethered the debate on a multiracial and multicultural Europe to the most noxious aspect of Le Pen's political agenda: its resonances with French fascism. The splicing of the