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Louise K. Davidson-Schmich

This article examines the candidates for the 2009 Bundestag election and asks three questions. First, did German political parties comply with their voluntarily-adopted gender quotas for their electoral lists—both in terms of the numbers of women nominated and their placement on the party list? Second, did parties without gender quotas place female candidates in promising list places? In other words, did quotas exert a “contagion effect“ and spur political groups without quotas to promote women's political careers? Third, what propensity did all parties have to nominate female candidates for direct mandate seats? Did the quotas used for the second vote have a spillover effect onto the first vote, improving women's odds of being nominated for constituency seats? I find that while the German parties generally complied with the gender quotas for their electoral lists, these quotas have had only limited contagion effects on other parties and on the plurality half of the ballot. Gender quotas in their current form have reached their limits in increasing women's representation to the Bundestag. To achieve gender parity, a change in candidate selection procedures, especially for direct mandates, would be required.

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Sean M. Quinlan Patriotic Taste: Collecting Modern Art in Pre-Revolutionary Paris by Colin B. Bailey

Eugenia Kiesling The Tour de France by Christopher Thompson

Éléonore Lépinard Gender Quotas, Parity Reform, and Political Parties in France by Katherine A. R. Opello

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Louise K. Davidson-Schmich

Since the adoption of candidate gender quotas, women have always fared better in the “second” or PR tier of Bundestag elections than in the “first” or plurality tier, where quotas do not apply. This gap, however, has been closing. In the 2009 Bundestag election, 27 percent of the major parties' direct mandate candidates were women compared to almost 30 percent in 2013. All parties experienced an increase in the percentage of women among their nominees for direct mandates between 2009 and 2013. Why have the numbers of female candidates for the 299 directly elected Bundestag constituencies been increasing? This increase is puzzling because gender quotas have not been extended to this tier of the electoral system and candidate selection rules have not changed. This article explores five potential mechanisms that may be driving the observed rise in women nominated as constituency candidates. I argue that the main reasons for these increases lie in the advantages female incumbents incur, the openings presented when male incumbents retire, and the diffusion of female candidates across parties and neighboring Wahlkreise after one woman manages to win a direct mandate. I develop these conclusions by comparing candidate nominations and direct mandate winners in the 2009 and 2013 Bundestag elections.

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The Best of Times, the Worst of Times

Angela Merkel, the Grand Coalition, and “Majority Rule” in Germany

Joyce Marie Mushaben

policies, adopt anti-discrimination laws, and introduce gender quotas for corporate management boards. Two spd women retained their cabinet posts in the Grand Coalition, Ulla Schmidt (Health) and Heidi Wieczorek-Zeul (Economic Cooperation and Development

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Joyce Marie Mushaben, Shelley Baranowski, Trevor J. Allen, Sabine von Mering, Stephen Milder, Volker Prott and Peter C. Pfeiffer

Louise K. Davidson-Schmich, Gender Quotas and Democratic Participation: Recruiting Candidates for Elective Office in Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2016) Reviewed by Joyce Marie Mushaben, Political Science, University of

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Kan-di(e)-dat?

Unpacking Gender Images across Angela Merkel’s Four Campaigns for the Chancellorship, 2005–2017

Joyce Marie Mushaben

regarding her appearance (despite changes photo-documented by Herlinde Koelbl). 21 She had already declared during her years as Kohl’s Women’s Minister (1991–1994) that she did not identify with “feminism” or even favor a genderquota” for her own party

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The “Alternative for Germany”

Factors Behind its Emergence and Profile of a New Right-wing Populist Party

Frank Decker

-sex civil unions to the introduction of a gender quota in the boardrooms of German companies and supporting a modern immigration law—changes that place the party firmly in line with the contemporary zeitgeist. Through their programmatic course of action

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Two of the Same Kind?

The Rise of the AfD and its Implications for the CDU/CSU

Matthias Dilling

abortion, and social policies aimed at supporting families with multiple children. 18 The AfD promoted Germany’s selective secondary and higher education system, the abolishment of gender quotas, the reintroduction of conscription, the use of nuclear

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Pınar Melis Yelsalı Parmaksız

, in this period the AKP also encouraged the political participation of both veiled and unveiled women, but never opted for legislative provisions such as gender quotas in politics. Ayata and Tütüncü, “Party Politics of the AKP,” 369; Simten Coşar and

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Johanna Gehmacher, Svetla Baloutzova, Orlin Sabev, Nezihe Bilhan, Tsvetelin Stepanov, Evgenia Kalinova, Zorana Antonijevic, Alexandra Ghit, Chiara Bonfiglioli, Ana Luleva, Barbara Klich-Kluczewska, Courtney Doucette, Katarzyna Stańczak-Wiślicz, Valentina Mitkova, Vjollca Krasniqi, Pepka Boyadjieva, Marina Hughson and Rayna Gavrilova

preoccupation with fulfilling planned gender quotas, a project hampered by persistent sexism at all levels. Here Jinga also addresses the stubborn myth that the strict desire to legitimize the power of Elena Ceauşescu, the president’s wife, underpinned all these