The aim of the Bologna Process is to make higher education systems across Europe more transparent. It is crucial for this purpose that confusion concerning the characteristics of the systems should be replaced by conformity. But, as we will show, conformity brought about at one level may create confusion at another. The curricular aspect of the Bologna Process focuses on a shift to outcome-based and student-centred programmes. Syllabi should now be based on intended learning outcomes (ILOs) and should be adjusted to general level descriptors for qualifications. However, the Bologna documents give no explicit recommendations about the use of grading scales. In Denmark, Norway and Sweden, the reforms of higher education induced by the Bologna process included a change of grading scales and referred to the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS). Through these three case studies, we describe and analyse the political process and argumentation underpinning the decisions to change the grading scales in each country. This includes the problems, both experienced and perceived, with the old grading scales, the various national assessment traditions and the new grading scales. The purpose of the change was not the same in each country, but the ongoing adaptation to a seven-step grading scale was thought to ease the international recognition of the national grades, making mobility easier. Though a seven-step grading scale was implemented in both Danish and Norwegian higher education and also by an increasing number of Swedish higher education institutions, the translation of grades only works on a superficial level. The grading scales designed are fundamentally different as classification systems; they attach different numerical values to grades with identical labels and they relate differently to norm- and standards-referenced judgements of learning outcomes. The information condensed in similar grades from the three countries cannot be equated. The vision of simple transparency turns out to be an illusion.
the cases of Denmark, Norway and Sweden
Bettina Dahl, Eirik Lien, and Åsa Lindberg-Sand
A Qualitative Enquiry
Maya Shabi and Walid El Ansari
Informal Jewish educational settings are places that both affect Jewish Identity and transmit Jewish knowledge (Chazan, 1991). For instance, Jewish youth movements provide young people with social, cultural, and informal educational Jewish experiences outside of the classroom setting (Reisman, 1991). Chazan (1991) explained informal education as ‘an activity that is freely chosen by a person and that is very dependent on that person’s active involvement and positive motivation. It is not effected in any special place, but may happen in a variety of settings and venues’. Hence, informal education is not based on the fixed curriculum or grading systems which are characteristic of schools, although, it should reflect a well-defined set of goals, contents, and programmes (Chazan, 1991).
Kathleen Frazer Oswald
of data collection and processing were not an automatic feature, the couplet led to new data layers, including grading systems for goods and time zones. Instant visibility, another element of smart transportation, was central in making rail
Thinking inside the boxes
’s standards and grading system (e.g. High Distinction, Distinction, Credit, Pass, Fail) and their corresponding percentages are often used to indicate levels of attainment. Others examples can be found on numerous university teaching and learning websites (e
The Social Worlds of Wheat
levels should be included in the wheat grading system provides an apt illustration. Varty demonstrates how the (ultimately failed) proposition that this invisible constituent should become a marker of quality was underpinned not only by a desire to market
, ‘gangs’, to protect drug trade turf. Gangs were formed in an age grade system among children and youth who grew up together on a particular street. As one community leader still recalls, ‘We had teenagers dying every day; it was a killing field!’ Seeing