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Pamela Camerra-Rowe

In March 2003, Social Democratic Chancellor Gerhard Schröder

announced a series of reforms that his government plans to undertake

in order to deal with Germany’s pressing economic problems.

These reform proposals, known as Agenda 2010, include cutting

unemployment benefits, making it easier to hire and fire workers,

reducing health insurance coverage, and raising the retirement age.

The reforms mark a change in the direction of the German Social

Democratic Party’s (SPD) economic policy. Rather than promoting

traditional social democratic values such as collective responsibility,

workers’ rights, and the expansion of state benefits, Schröder declared

that “We will have to curtail the work of the state, encourage more

individual responsibility, and require greater individual performance

from each person. Every group in the society will have to contribute

its share.”1 Despite opposition to these reforms by labor unions and

leftist members of the party, Agenda 2010 was approved by nearly 90

percent of SPD party delegates at a special party conference in June

2003.2 Several of the reforms, including health care and job protection

reforms, were passed by the legislature at the end of 2003 and

took effect on 1 January 2004.

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Anna Lopes

This article provides a reassessment of the Berlin socialist women's movement of the mid-1890s as a historically significant attempt to establish a new kind of gender politics. The article shows how the movement provides an entry point to a broader, richer, more complicated feminist resistance than previously recognized. The historiographical processes that have narrowed interpretations of the movement are explored through a feminist-Foucauldian lens, which reveals the more collaborative activities and fluid alliances both among the women's groups and between them and a wider circle of social democratic men. A feminist-Foucauldian approach shifts attention to the movement's formation as an effect of power, highlighting its innovative organizational style, leadership, theorists, ideas, and resistance activities.

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Sabine von Mering, Luke B. Wood, J. Nicholas Ziegler, John Bendix, Marcus Colla, and Alexander Dilger

German Social Democracy at the beginning of the twentieth century. With an impressive knack for narrative, and drawing on a vast range of archival sources, Gurganus charts Eisner's life from his intellectual incubation in the works of Nietzsche and Kant

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From Zero to Hero?

The Rise of Olaf Scholz and the SPD

Ed Turner, Davide Vampa, and Matthias Scantamburlo

://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/politisches-beben-schroeder-will-neuwahlen-a-357076.html . 12 https://www.tagesschau.de/wahl/archiv/2017-09-24-BT-DE/umfrage-spd.shtml . 13 Hanna Schwander and Philip Manow, “‘Modernize and Die’? German Social Democracy and the Electoral Consequences of the Agenda 2010,” Socio-Economic Review

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Sticking to Her Guns or Going with the Flow

Assessing Rigidity and Flexibility in Angela Merkel's Political Decision Making

Christian Schnee

,” Die Welt , 21 January 2009; available at https://www.welt.de/politik/article3064589/Schroeders-Agenda-2010 -spaltet-die-SPD-bis-heute.html, accessed 20 November 2018; Pamela Camerra-Rowe, “Agenda 2010: Redefining German Social Democracy,” German

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Ernst Leitz of Wetzlar and Helping the Persecuted

Scope of the Research and Some Reflections

Frank Dabba Smith

prosecutor of the denazification court, 6 March 1947, Hessisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Wiesbaden HHStAW, Bestand 520/F in K.1991. 16 Wiedl, ‘Der liberale Demokrat’, 127. 17 Donna Harsch, German Social Democracy and the Rise of Nazism (Chapel Hill, NC

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Bridging the Political Gaps

The Interdiscursive Qualities of Political Romanticism in the Weimar Republic

Christian E. Roques

main proponents of “religious socialism” in the Weimar Republic, 82 gets involved in the second half of the 1920s in the debates that divide German social democracy and see the emergence of a “right” wing inside the social-democratic youth movement. 83

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Genesis of Populism

Its Russian Sediments and Its Updating in Latin America in Historical-Conceptual Key

Claudio Sergio Ingerflom

When Narodnaia Volia was founded, its main leader, Andrei Zheliabov, a son of peasants, serfs until 1861, wanted to call it “Social Democrat Party” and only the fear of being assimilated to German social democracy made them prefer a Russian name. 78