take place. Yet I want to proceed further along this path and suggest that when ethnographers consider in some depth what incited them to engage in fieldwork in the first place, that reflexiveness can enrich the account they later give of it. That is
This article examines the tension between liberalism and Orthodoxy in Israel as it relates to censorship. The first section aims to explain Israel's vulnerability as a multicultural democracy in a hostile region, with significant schisms that divide the nation. The next section presents the dilemma: should Israel employ legal mechanisms to counter hate speech and racism? The third section details the legal framework, while the fourth reviews recent cases in which political radicals were prosecuted for incitement to racism. The final section discusses cases in which football supporters were charged with incitement after chanting “Death to Arabs“ during matches. I argue that the state should consider the costs and risks of allowing hate speech and balance these against the costs and risks to democracy and free speech that are associated with censorship.
Alterity, Sameness and Irony in Venice
Anna Carleton Forrester
easily identifiable as they are made abstract. In Venice, it seems, to mark alterity only comes with exposure of sameness – an ironic predicament likely to incite melancholy among those bent on asserting their differences. While Portia’s ruling first
Teaching anthropology through serendipitous cultural exchanges
to a directed exam question. This would, however, break with the idea in Minestrone Stories of merely connecting people and students by inciting them to exchange what they already have available right in front of them. Moreover, it could hamper the
Recently two neo-Nazis were tried in Leeds Crown Court for disseminating material which incited Jew-hatred. This case was particularly important since its outcome determined whether Jews are protected under the Public Order Act of 1986.
The “Déjà views” theme incites us to reflect on the repetitive nature of American discourses on France, on the fact that they occur and recur in strikingly similar forms during the long history of French-American relations. Moreover, many of the negative perceptions of France are closely interrelated, making up what might be called the “system of Francophobia.” The following remarks are attempts to underline both the systematicity and the historicity of some widespread American representations of French culture and society.
On a Finite Economy in Bosnia
This article outlines how the good life and a decent death in contemporary Bosnia are underwritten and undermined by informal forms of debt. Such debts finance pursuit of a pleasurable life in a post-conflict, post-socialist economy but inspire daily anxieties, not least about dying indebted. The article runs through household budgeting, everyday splurges, bodily discomforts, ordinary death and a funeral marketplace, suggesting a 'finite economy' of vernacular practice incited and limited by an habitual fixation on existential finitude.
C’est dans le cadre d’une recherche sur l’alimentation dans la prime enfance1 que j’ai été amenée à réfléchir sur la confrontation entre normes de puériculture et pratiques familiales. En effet, chez les nourrissons, alimentation et santé sont des domaines très proches, ce qui se traduit par l’importance des conseils d’origine médicale ou para-médicale reçus par les parents2. L’influence que les premières années de la vie sont censées avoir sur le développement ultérieur de l’enfant, tant du point de vue physique que psychologique, constitue un moyen de pression non négligeable pour inciter les parents à mettre en pratique les conseils qui leur sont donnés. Dans ce contexte, on pourrait presque se demander comment des parents arrivent à faire autre chose que ce que leur médecin leur prescrit.
Vacation Advertising, Globalization, and Southern Regionalism
Amy J. Elias
On January 5, 1999, the evening news programmes in Birmingham, Alabama reported that the upcoming Martin Luther King, Jr. Day might be marred by civic unrest. The Knights of the Ku Klux Klan had spent the 1998 King holiday inciting riots in Memphis, Tennessee, and this year, they were apparently going to focus on downtown Birmingham. Newscasters such as the urbane African American female anchor from Channel 13, Malena Cunningham, featured clips of Birmingham’s five-term, African American mayor, Richard Arrington, saying gracefully and with a hint of condescension that constitutionally the Klan had the right of public protest but that Birmingham’s best strategy would be to pay them no mind. The Klan was coming to Birmingham, Alabama.
Female Génocidaires in the Aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide
Since the 1994 Rwandan genocide, the current government has arrested approximately 130,000 civilians who were suspected of criminal responsibility. An estimated 2,000 were women, a cohort that remains rarely researched through an ethnographic lens. This article begins to address this oversight by analyzing ethnographic encounters with 8 confessed or convicted female génocidaires from around Rwanda. These encounters reveal that female génocidaires believe they endure gender-based discrimination for having violated taboos that determine appropriate conduct for Rwandan women. However, only female génocidaires with minimal education, wealth, and social capital referenced this gender-based discrimination to minimize their crimes and assert claims of victimization. Conversely, female elites who helped incite the genocide framed their victimization in terms of political betrayal and victor’s justice. This difference is likely informed by the female elites’ participation in the political processes that made the genocide possible, as well as historical precedence for leniency where female elites are concerned.