This article examines the relation between secularities, technologies of the self, and citizenship through an ethnography of Islamic education in Portugal. For the Islamic Community of Lisbon, the main institutional representative of Islam in Portugal, religious education is about the formation of religious subjects and the creation of embodied dispositions in relation to Islam. But it is also about being able to explain to others, Muslims and non-Muslims alike, what Islam is. This project for Islamic education has to be understood, I will argue, in the context of the production of a public Islam, secularized and liberal, that is tied to claims to citizenship made in Portuguese society for more than 60 years. While these discursive formations are partly a way to counteract stigma, it is also essential to understand them within the creation of a post-confessional Portuguese society. For members of the Islamic Community of Lisbon, supporting a project of secularization of the public sphere in such a historical context is a way to affirm their belonging.
Islamic Education, Secularities, and the Portuguese Muslim
El Hassan bin Talal
Mūsā Ibn Maymūn is regarded as one of the most outstanding thinkers to have appeared from the Andalusian Jews. He was a doctor and a knowledgeable philosopher, who spent most of his seventy years living in Andalusia, where he was born, although he later settled in Egypt, and spent some time in Morocco.
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shifting dynamics and transformation of the idea of Islamic education and cultures through the lens of those students’ and alumni's thoughts and activities is fundamental since they have served as carriers, transformers, and transmitters who functioned as
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representative of the sultan for education ( Délégué à l'Enseignement ). In this capacity, he served in the administration of both traditional Islamic education and French public education. He held this position until 1939. During this period, al-Ḥajwī wrote the
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that of the Islamic schools in England. By establishing schools, second-generation Muslim immigrants sought to achieve two goals: a Muslim cultural environment for their children and a high-level Islamic education. These schools were intended to
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been replaced with a strict Islamic education. Thus, if terrorism is to be considered a form of counter-violence, we must ask ourselves what oppressive regime it is declaring war on. If this violence is directed towards that West which has established
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, thanks to the Qur'anic schools where children can get an Islamic education, and for adults, as attending the mosque is deemed important to be a ‘good Muslim’ – especially for men. Although the construction of proper mosques has long been in progress
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classes, and they intervened against the efforts of Hamid's mother to send the children to the mosque for Islamic education. “I came into conflict with my mother over that,” Hamid tells me. Milka jumps in to explain: “My mother-in-law became a big believer