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Yechiam Weitz

The political dynamics that created the State of Israel in 1948 shaped the new state’s political order for a number of years ( Weitz 2009 ). Significant changes appeared only 17 years later, in 1965, as Israeli politics began a process of radical

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Brent E. Sasley

shape and arrange the ‘real world’—in this case, Israeli politics. This will help students think more carefully about whether or how they might view Israel as unique compared to other states, and how general disciplinary practices can be used to study

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Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar, Yasmin Alkalay, and Tom Aival

Ashkenazim largely supported the left. They also found that after the 1996 elections, the effect of ethnicity on voting patterns had weakened, while that of religious identity had strengthened. Over the years, students of Israeli politics have offered

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The 1956 Strike of Middle-Class Professionals

A Socio-political Alliance with the Right

Avi Bareli and Uri Cohen

Different and occasionally conflicting trends in the research literature, and especially in Israeli political sociology, depict Israel’s first decade as characterized by a deep dichotomy between new Mizrahi immigrants from Muslim countries and

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Benyamin Neuberger

This article explores the ideological underpinnings of the major Jewish political camps in Israel and the Yishuv—the left, the Orthodox, the national right, the bourgeois center—and evaluates the extent to which they are compatible with liberal democracy as commonly understood in the West. It also analyzes quasi-democratic and non-democratic aspects of older Jewish traditions based on the Torah, the Talmud, and the Halakhah. While the history of Zionism and the Zionist movement contained definite democratic components, Israel’s political system was shaped by a range of anti-democratic traditions whose resonance is still felt today.

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Israel’s Recent Unionizing Drives

The Broader Social Context

Jonathan Preminger


In light of the labor movement’s prominence in Israel’s history, the recent resurgence of unionizing activity after some 30 years of organized labor’s decline has caused much scholarly debate. However, scholars have paid insufficient attention to political ‘climate’, the wider social context, and the ‘battle of ideas’. This article therefore discusses the status of organized labor in media discourse, the rhetoric against the labor courts, liberalization in legal reasoning, and how organized labor is construed by the courts, as well as the conceptual differentiation between ‘workers’ and ‘the public’. It concludes that both organized labor and vestigial corporatist institutions are facing delegitimizing rhetoric and proposes that, for a fuller assessment of union revitalization, we should pay attention to labor struggles on three planes: the frontal struggle in the workplace, the institutional struggle to shore up the institutions crucial to collective labor relations, and the ideological struggle against the narrative of delegitimation.

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Innovation in Israel

Between Politics, Society, and Culture

Sigal Ben-Rafael Galanti, Fany Yuval, and Assaf Meydani

; and its advantages and disadvantages ( Seeck and Diehl 2017 ). This special issue, a joint initiative of the Israel Political Science Association (ISPSA) and Israel Studies Review , seeks to examine innovation in the Israeli political and societal

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Osnat Akirav

claims of heresthetics when he argued that the combination of a quandary and political competition for leadership increases the likelihood of radical changes in policies. Here we use the heresthetic approach to analyze the rhetoric of Israeli political

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The Missing Policing

The Absent Concept of Policing and Its Substitutes in Israeli Military Doctrine

Ofra Ben-Ishai

, this effort soon petered out as the ebbing of the Intifada marked a sharp turning point in the conceptualization of policing. In the 1990s, M stopped expressing the two sides of the Israeli political dispute and began constructing policing as

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Mapai's Bolshevist Image

A Critical Analysis

Avi Bareli

This article describes and analyzes the image of Mapai, Israel's ruling political party during its first decades, as an undemocratic 'Bolshevist party'. This perception is based on certain associations between socialist-Zionist collectivism and the totalitarian political culture of Soviet communism. The article reviews the public-political background regarding this image in Israeli political discourse and scholarship and then examines the reasons for its ready acceptance. Finally, it is argued that this Bolshevist image has functioned as a rhetorical tool that has allowed public leaders and scholars who had been involved with the Zionist labor movement to distance themselves from it.