The 1959 election is often puzzling to my students when we encounter it on my courses about the “swinging” sixties or the history of the Labour Party. Labour's loss in 1951 is explicable: austerity politics rebuilt the economy after the war but
The 1959 election and the politics of the people
Charlotte Lydia Riley
The international social democratic movement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
The Socialist International (SI), the worldwide forum of the socialist, social democratic, and labor parties, actively looked for a solution to the Jewish-Palestinian conflict in the 1980s. At that time, the Israeli Labour Party still was the leading political force in Israel, as it had been historically since the foundation of the country. The Labour Party was also an active member of the SI. The Party’s leader, Shimon Peres, was one of its vice-presidents. At the same time, the social democratic parties were the leading political force in Western Europe. Several important European leaders, many of them presidents and prime ministers, were involved in the SI’s work. They included personalities such as Willy Brandt of Germany; former president of the SI, Francois Mitterrand of France; James Callaghan of Great Britain; Bruno Kreisky of Austria; Bettini Craxi of Italy; Felipe Gonzalez of Spain; Mario Soares of Portugal; Joop de Uyl of the Netherlands; Olof Palme of Sweden; Kalevi Sorsa of Finland; Anker Jörgensen of Denmark; and Gro Harlem Brudtland of Norway—all of whom are former vice-presidents of the SI. As a result, in the 1980s, the SI in many ways represented Europe in global affairs, despite the existence of the European Community (which did not yet have well-defined common foreign policy objectives).
This article uncovers the distinction between calls of the far right to address what they consider to be an imbalance in political representation in Britain and local frustrations in Higher Blackley, North Manchester, England about feeling ignored by local and national government. Exploring how voting for the far right is used strategically in an attempt to communicate political disenchantment with the Labour Party, the article explains the shift in voting patterns as a protest against Labour rather than as a statement of affiliation with the core values of the British National Party. The extent of residents' anger is revealed as they explain the “unfairness“ of politicians' general neglect of the kind of people who live in Higher Blackley. This is compounded by perceptions of the preferential and “unfair“ treatment given to people from ethnic minorities. The article explains how the labeling of residents of Higher Blackley as white working class is rejected as also being “unfair“ because it ascribes negative attributes, wholesale, to the very people who were once respected for their participation in a Labour movement of their own making. The ethnographic idea of “fairness“ is revealed in the article as the opposite of labeling/fixing and as the acknowledgement of contingency, chance, and choice.
British Labour Party about how it should deal with antisemitic behaviour within the Party. But this political dimension also exposes deep divisions within the British Jewish community. A personal journey to explore the history of her own family led Carol
of examples as part and parcel of it. On 12 December 2016, the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party adopted the 38-word definition but they did not adopt the list of examples. Subsequently, in July 2018, the Labour Party issued a Code of
Ursula Rudnick, Marc Saperstein, and Jonathan Magonet
before’ (34). The book brings together the work of a striking number of academics (as noted above) and a personal presentation. Following the election of Jeremy Corbyn as Labour Party leader in September 2015, the author's response characteristically
Political Rhetoric around Capitalism in Britain from the 1970s to the Present
Party, Toryism, and Thatcherism; socialism, the Labour Party, and New Labour; trade unionism; Scottish nationalism; nationalization, and privatization; and what was then the European Community. The phrase has been used frequently ever since: in 2010, for
W. T. Eady's I.D.B. or The Adventures of Solomon Davis (1887)
linked to one another as well as to White supremacy and certain strains of critique against global capitalism. Ironically, it has been the Labour Party that recently has been called out for antisemitism within its ranks, but May's speech at the beginning
Do We Need a Mobility Bill of Rights?
House of Commons by Caroline Lucas MP (co-leader of the Green Party) in late 2014 and, among others, was sponsored by the (now) leader of the Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn MP. The bill outlines eight requests, starting with the principle that we all have
Euroscepticism, Populism, Nationalism, and Societal Division
[Conservative and Labour] parties undergo in and out of office respectively” increases the disruptive aspects of Euroscepticism ( Forster 2002: 140–141 ). However, while public debate is framed by news media presentation and the politics of EU membership, two