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Anthropology and Law in Latin America

Towards Transformative Collaborations?

Rachel Sieder

As a researcher working within the field of collaborative or ‘engaged’ legal and political anthropology in Latin America, law does very much shape my research agenda and that of most of my colleagues. I would also contend that anthropology does impact law throughout the region, although to a much lesser extent. This is most evident in the legalisation, judicialisation and juridification of indigenous peoples’ collective rights to autonomy and territory in recent decades. Yet, the influence of anthropology on legal adjudication in the region is not only limited to issues pertaining to indigenous peoples: engaged applied ethnographic research is playing an increasingly important role in revealing to legal practitioners and courts the effects of human rights violations in specific contexts, and victims’ perceptions of the continuums of violence to which they are subjected.

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Roberto Dominguez

English abstract: This article examines the evolution of the European Union (EU)–Latin America environmental relationship and the EU contributions to environmental governance in Latin America over the past two decades. It argues that environmental governance in Latin America is the result of the combination of three elements: (a) progress, albeit problematic, of international environmental frameworks;(b) domestic transformations in Latin American states demanding better environmental standards; and (c) international cooperation. From this perspective, EU contributions to Latin American environmental governance have increased since the early 2000s, but varied in specific cases. In spite of some bilateral differences (EU–Ecuador or EU–Venezuela), EU environmental programs to Latin America have modestly increased in areas such as climate change, renewable energy, and water since the 2000s and hence EU environmental policies in Latin America are significant to the extent that the environmental variable has relatively gained more relevance in the bi-regional relationship.

Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza la evolución de la relación medioambiental de la Unión Europea (UE) y América Latina y las contribuciones de la UE a la gobernanza ambiental en América Latina en las últimas dos décadas. Argumenta que la gobernanza ambiental en América Latina es el resultado de la combinación de tres elementos: (a) el progreso, aunque problemático, de los marcos internacionales sobre medio ambiente; (b) transformaciones internas en los estados latinoamericanos para exigir mejores normas ambientales; y (c) la cooperación internacional. Desde esta perspectiva, las contribuciones de la UE a la gobernanza ambiental de América Latina han aumentado desde la década de 2000, pero variado en casos específicos. A pesar de algunas diferencias bilaterales (UE–Ecuador o UE–Venezuela), programas medioambientales de la UE hacia América Latina han aumentado modestamente en ámbitos como el cambio climático, la energía renovable y el agua desde la década de 2000 y por lo tanto las políticas medioambientales de la UE en América Latina son significativas en la medida en que la variable ambiental relativamente ha adquirido más relevancia en la relación bi-regional.

French abstract: Cet article analyse l'évolution des incidences de l'Union européenne (UE) en matière d'environnement et des contributions de l'Amérique Latine et de l'UE à la gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine au cours des deux dernières décennies. La gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine est le résultat d'une combinaison de trois éléments: a) les progrès, bien que problématiques, des schémas internationaux en matière d'environnement, b) les transformations internes dans les États d'Amérique Latine revendiquant de meilleures normes environnementales, et c) la coopération internationale. Dans cette perspective, les contributions de l'UE à la gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine ont augmenté depuis les années 2000, mais ont varié dans des cas spécifiques. Malgré quelques différences bilatérales (entre l'UE-Equateur ou l'UEVenezuela), les programmes environnementaux de l'UE en Amérique latine ont augmenté modestement dans des domaines tels que le changement climatique, les énergies renouvelables et l'eau depuis les années 2000 et donc les politiques environnementales de l'UE en Amérique latine sont importantes dans la mesure où la variable environnementale a relativement gagné davantage de pertinence dans la relation bi-régionale.

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Political engagement of Latin Americans in the UK

Issues, strategies, and the public debate

Davide Però

This article examines the political engagement of Latin Americans in the UK in the context of a mounting neo-assimilationist and anti-multicultural offensive in the public debate on integration. Assuming that migrants should have a say about their own integration in society, the article explores the extent to which the public debate is sensitive to migrants' own collective concerns. It is from this empirically informed perspective that the article criticizes assimilationist and multi-culturalist attitudes for their disregard of the exploitation and lack of social and cultural recognition that afflicts newly arrived migrants. The article helps to rebalance the prevailing trend in policy and academic circles to treat migrants as objects of policies and ignore their political agency and active collective engagement in the improvement of their conditions. It also offers a corrective to emerging alternative approaches that tend to reduce migrants' politics to their role in sustaining long-distance diasporic communities.

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Andra B. Chastain

Nearly three decades ago, a French-trained urban planner remarked that “getting around any Latin American city is a true quotidian feat” for travelers contending with “the subways of Caracas, the packed lines of the Mexico metro, the Santiago journeys without any foreseeable destination, the crammed La Paz truffis [cars with fixed routes], the dangerous Lima micro[buses], and the ups-and-downs of central Quito.” While this description evokes the colorful spectrum of urban mobility in the region, it also sums up the anxieties of many postwar observers of Latin American cities: urban transportation seemed to be in crisis. With vehicle shortages, traffic congestion, air pollution, and sporadic social protests, public transportation tested Latin American metropolises since at least the postwar era.

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Dhan Zunino Singh

The article outlines a possible course for mobility in Latin American history based on the diagnosis made by previous reviews on the field. It claims that although the emergence of new studies have signified a critical approach to transport technologies and greater emphasis on cultural and social practices of mobility, the term needs to be discussed more in theoretical terms to shape a common language among scholars from different perspectives. Moreover, mobility discussions should lead scholars to reconsider Latin America as a subject of analysis by critically revisiting the matter of periphery.

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Michael K. Bess

The building of motor roads in Latin America, as elsewhere, was an activity essential to the history of modernization and state formation in the twentieth century. Governments, private companies, and regional boosters launched construction efforts with the goal of reducing travel times, linking cities and towns together, and stimulating economic development. In the process, these initiatives also changed the way citizens thought about the nation-state. New highways helped give shape to national identity, not only by making more of the countryside traversable, but also by putting citizens and foreigners in greater contact. Likewise, motor tourism identified and reified regional cultural symbols, transforming them into representations of that nation, and packaging them for easy consumption by travelers on weekend getaways.

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The temporality of illegality

Experiences of undocumented Latin American migrants in London

Ana Gutiérrez Garza

In March 2010, I visited Elephant and Castle, one of the so-called Latin American enclaves in South London, with my friend Jovanna from Bolivia. We went to Elephant because she wanted to get some salteñas (pastries) from a Bolivian woman who sells

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Liliana L. Jubilut

This article reflects on the roles that universities from Brazil and Latin America can play in the protection of refugees and other migrants in the context of a debate of “recentering” the Global South in Refugee and Forced Migration Studies. To that end, it draws on teaching, research, and outreach initiatives as well as general reflections on the topic, and presents examples from Brazil and Latin America.

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Introduction

Experiences of Time in the Ibero-American World, Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

Javier Fernández-Sebastián and Fabio Wasserman

ABSTRACT

In this introductory article, the authors argue that major changes in the way we conceive of time and temporality that are taking place today justify the increase of studies, both theoretical and empirical, on shift s in cultural constructions of time. In this context, the authors present four articles written by members of the network Iberconceptos, where a number of time experiences in the Ibero-American world (Latin America, Spain, and Portugal) during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are discussed from a conceptual perspective.

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La política internacional chilena del gobierno de la Unidad Popular

Un intento de pluralismo en las relaciones internacionales

Jorge Magasich Airola

*Full article is in Spanish

English abstract: The government of Salvador Allende attempted to replace the traditional Chilean foreign policy of alignment with one of the blocks of the Cold War and its “ideological borders,” with a new international policy of “ideological pluralism,” aiming to establish new commercial and diplomatic relations between different countries, regardless of their national political regimes. This policy involved the defense of the principles and objectives of the so-called Third World, which included proposals to: reform the international financial order; promote Latin American integration, especially of the Andean countries; improve Chile's relationship with three neighboring countries and negotiate border disputes; and create a judicial entity to face hostility from the U.S. government. The development of this new foreign policy was interrupted by the coup d'état. Nevertheless, four decades later, it gained importance, and this policy became a reference for many Latin American governments.

Spanish abstract: El gobierno de Salvador Allende intentó reemplazar la tradicional política exterior chilena de alineamiento con uno de los bloques de la Guerra Fría y sus “fronteras ideológicas”, por una nueva política internacional de “pluralismo ideológico”, lo que significa establecer relaciones diplomáticas y comerciales con todos los países del mundo, independientemente del régimen interno que los rija. Tal política implica la defensa de los principios y objetivos del entonces llamado “Tercer Mundo”, la cual incluye proposiciones para reformar el orden financiero internacional; la promoción de la integración latinoamericana, particularmente la de los países andinos; relaciones cuidadosas con tres vecinos negociando los litigios fronterizos; y la búsqueda de una instancia jurídica para afrontar la hostilidad del gobierno estadounidense. Pese a que la mayor parte de esta nueva política internacional quedó sólo en sus inicios pues fue interrumpida por el golpe de Estado, cuatro décadas más tarde ha cobrado actualidad, transformándose en una referencia para varios gobiernos de la región.

French abstract: Le gouvernement de Salvador Allende a essayé de remplacer l'alignement traditionnel de la politique étrangère du Chili avec l'un des blocs de la guerre froide et de ses «frontières idéologiques», par une nouvelle politique internationale du «pluralisme idéologique». Autrement dit, établir des relations diplomatiques et commerciales avec tous les pays, indépendamment de leurs régimes politiques propres. Une telle politique impliquait la défense des principes et objectifs de ce qu'on appelait alors «Tiers Monde», qui comprend des propositions visant à réformer l'ordre financier international; la promotion de l'intégration latino-américaine, en particulier celle des pays andins ; l'entretien des relations chaleureuses avec ses trois voisins concernant la négociation des différends frontaliers; et l'instauration d'une instance juridique destinée à faire face à l'hostilité du gouvernement des Etats-Unis. Bien que l'essentiel de cette nouvelle politique étrangère fût esseulée à ses débuts puis interrompue par un coup d'Etat, quatre décennies plus tard elle est devenue d'actualité, tout en s'imposant comme une référence pour de nombreux gouvernements de la région.