This paper explores the determinants of ministerial duration within the German Länder between 1990 and 2010. In arguing that different terminal events ceasing ministerial tenures should be analyzed separately, it distinguishes four exit types: voluntary, forced, collective (ministers leaving office because their whole party does so) and exits that are neither volitional acts of the minister nor politically induced. Depending on the exit type, competing-risks Cox-models show different effects for one and the same variable on the hazard for ministerial turnover. Seniority in high-level politics for example helps not to be forced out of office while it has no effect on voluntary or collective exits. Heading an important ministry on the other hand increases the chances to rise to other positions in high politics or private business, but does not impact the other two hazards. The analysis furthermore shows that the principal-agent-logic known from Westminster systems with the prime minister being largely sovereign in hiring and firing cabinet members must be adapted to the German context of frequent coalition governments. In coalition governments, only ministers from the same party as the prime minister exhibit higher hazards for forced exits, while ministers from other coalition partners are much safer in that regard.
The Renzi government formed in February 2014 was the youngest cabinet in Italian post-war history. It also had an equal number of male and female ministers—a first in Italian history. This chapter sets the scene by recounting the end of the Letta government before moving on to analyze the formation of the Renzi Cabinet, the competing inter- and intra-party considerations that affected the choice of ministers, and the need to signal technical competence in key economic roles.
Gianfranco Pasquino and Marco Valbruzzi
This chapter analyzes the processes of candidate selection in Italy for the main political parties facing the 2013 general election. In particular, the authors investigate and evaluate the primary elections organized, in November–December 2012, by the center-left coalition (composed of the Democratic Party, Left Ecology and Freedom, and the Italian Socialist Party) for the selection of the candidate to the office of president of the Council of Ministers. The chapter explores in detail the main issues at the center of the electoral campaign, the candidates involved in the process of selection, the socio-demographic profile of the “selectorate,” the electoral results of the primary elections, and their consequences for the consolidation of the Italian party system.
Minister of Integration Cécile Kyenge, nominated in April 2013 and Italy's first black minister, has pushed for citizenship reform as the most important issue in her legislative agenda. This article provides an overview of Italian citizenship law and reform attempts, including the many draft legislations presented to Parliament in 2013. No comprehensive reform passed in 2013, due in large part to the fragile “grand coalition” between the Democratic Party and the People of Freedom party. Minister Kyenge's vocal support, a growing public consensus and municipal support, and a new governing coalition as of November 2013—all this points to a greater potential for comprehensive reform to pass in 2014.
Yael S. Aronoff
I analyze the actions of Israeli prime ministers in the long-standing conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, comparing one prime minister who remained hard-line and one who evolved into a peace maker. By examining their belief systems and individual characteristics, I hypothesize the types of hawks that are more likely to change their views of an opponent and convert into peace-makers. Although a change in both the opponent and the environment is necessary for a leader to change his image of an enemy, three additional elements make change more probable: (1) a weak ideological commitment, or a commitment to an ideology that does not have its components articulated as obstacles; (2) a present or future individual time orientation; (3) either a flexible cognitive system or exposure and openness to a significant advisor who has a different view of the opponent.
Two Judeo-Spanish Versions of the German Novel Der Rabbi und der Minister
Aitor García Moreno
For more than one hundred years texts of rabbinical prose were the only model of educated style. With the arrival of new literary genres imported from Western Europe towards the middle of the nineteenth century, Sephardi authors and translators promoted a change in their style of writing. This article compares syntactic structures in two texts from the second half of the nineteenth century. They belong to the same literary genre and share the same subject, but are anchored in different discoursive traditions trying to exemplify the different styles of Sephardic prose that coexisted at that time.
Michael Shire, Michael Stannard, David Goldberg, Charles D. Middleburgh, Jeffrey Newman, Sidney Brichto, Danny Rich and Albert H. Friedlander
Hans Sigismund Rahmer (John Desmond Rayner), rabbi: born Berlin 1924; ordained rabbi 1953; Minister, South London Liberal Synagogue 1953–57; Associate Minister, Liberal Jewish Synagogue 1957–61, senior Minister 1961–89 (Minister Emeritus); Lecturer in Liturgy and Rabbinic Literature, Leo Baeck College 1966–2003, Director of Studies 1966–69, Vice-President 1969–2005; Chairman, Council of Reform and Liberal Rabbis 1969–71, 1982–84, 1989–92; President, London Society of Jews and Christians 1990; CBE 1993; Honorary Life President, Union of Liberal and Progressive Synagogues 1994; married 1955 Jane Heilbronn (two sons, one daughter); died London 19 September 2005.
On 7 May 2008, Silvio Berlusconi accepted the task of forming the
sixtieth government of the Italian Republic. The birth of the new government
marked what some have defined as “the eternal return of the
knight,” and as such has taken on a unique significance. Berlusconi
became prime minister for the fourth time, barely 2 years after the
end of his previous time in office, and almost 15 years since his first
nomination following the elections of March 1994. In the ranking of
Italian prime ministers according to the number of governments that
they headed, led by Alcide De Gasperi, who was prime minister for
eight terms, Berlusconi comes sixth.
In 2005, the educational policies promoted by the center-right, and in
particular by the minister of education, universities, and research, Letizia
Moratti, saw several significant developments. No doubt they will be the
Maurizio Cotta and Luca Verzichelli
An assessment of the second Berlusconi government in 2002, quite
predictably, holds considerable interest for a number of reasons. The
hopes pinned on this government, which is unusual in the history of
Italian politics, call for such a review. To begin with, this is the first
republican government characterized by the introduction of the
majority vote system to choose both the ruling coalition and the
prime minister. Secondly, cabinet ministers represent all components
of the electoral majority and can also count on a rather reassuring
advantage in terms of the seats they hold both in the Chamber of
Deputies and in the Senate. Finally, in a radically reshuffled political
structure following the events of the 1990s, the comeback of a player
(who may be identified as Prime Minister Berlusconi as well as the
center-right majority) whose government had failed the first time
around could be profitably analyzed in terms of institutional learning
and of the establishment of a new bipolar/majoritarian order.