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Redefining the Engagé

Intellectual Identity in Fin de Siècle France

Sarah Shurts

There is a tendency to see the history of intellectual engagement during the Dreyfus Affair as a study of the Dreyfusard Left. However, this approach marginalizes the existence of self-proclaimed intellectuals of the anti-Dreyfusard Right and diminishes our appreciation of the complexity of the debates. This article explores the efforts of self-proclaimed anti-Dreyfusard intellectuals, such as Maurice Barrès, to claim the title of intellectual, redefine intellectual responsibility according to right-wing values, and reconstruct intellectual collective identity around their own social and cultural experience.

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Pierre Birnbaum

Like their German colleagues the French rabbis enthusiastically supported the war effort. They even seemed to move away from the French style of patriotism, concerned with reason and universalism, to associate themselves with the prevalent nationalism by acknowledging in their sermons the tones of Maurice Barrès, the apostle of anti-Semitism, who, for the first time, included the Jews amongst the great French families. Contrary to the 'barbarians' from across the Rhine, who made obeisance to their new Pharaoh, the French Jews found themselves summoned to sacrifice themselves for the fatherland. The death of Rabbi Abraham Bloch, the report of which affirms that he was killed while bringing a crucifix to a dying Catholic soldier, symbolizes this now supposedly permanent unity of the religions.

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Amélie Auzoux

.” 13 Le Voyage en Italie de Taine, véritable voyage esthétique, correspond bien à l’”Italie sans les italiens” que dénonce Larbaud. Ainsi ne retient-il pas la leçon de Maurice Barrès. S’intéressant aux réalités vivantes d’un pays, Larbaud en délaisse

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Michael B. Loughlin

those of Georges Clemenceau, Charles Maurras, Maurice Barrès, Joseph Reinach, and Albert de Mun. 33 Hervé’s secret, according to Maurel, was that he expressed his thoughts in his daily editorials with no particular system in mind. “He lives day to day

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Demos and Nation

Misplacing the Dilemmas of the European Union--In Memory of Stanley Hoffmann

Charles S. Maier

primal obligations. Edmund Burke famously interpreted the social contract as one effectively based on deference, deference to the past and to social superiors. Maurice Barrès’s ideal of national community mystically evoked la terre et les morts . In

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Liesbeth Schoonheim

within a Gidean aesthetics of the self, laden with references to Maurice Barrès’ le culte du moi . These authors’ proposals of an aestheticized formation of the self provide Beauvoir with the tools to go against the Catholicism in which she was still

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Jelena Jovicic

’exprime en France—de l’extrême gauche anarchiste, à la manière d’Elisée Reclus qui déprécie l’idée de nation, à l’extrême droite, exemplifiée par des auteurs comme Maurice Barrès et Charles Maurras qui prêchent en particulier les principes du sang et de l

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Debating the “Jewish Question” in Tunisia

War, Colonialism, and Zionism at a Mediterranean Crossroads, 1914–1920

Chris Rominger

which they had once defended themselves. 62 This discourse was ironically encouraged by a growing wartime acknowledgment, even on the part of longtime anti-Semites such as Maurice Barrès, that Jews could finally be fully French. 63 But these sentiments

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Nicole Abravanel

pratiquement à une diminution de notre influence.” 36 Loti conclut ce texte par une référence à Maurice Barrès. L’intérêt est politique. De la seconde partie de J. P ., qui ne traite pas de Constantinople, le regard des critiques non-juives se détourne

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Sheila K. Hoffman, Dominique Poulot, Bruno Brulon-Soares, and Joanna Cobley

Maurice Barrès (2012) called the “great pity of French churches” at the beginning of the twentieth century in order to justify the protection of all religious buildings, even the most modest, for reasons of patrimonial and national sensitivity far removed