In the scholarly research on right-wing extremism, the term “New Right” is one that has been used in very different ways, and often rather vaguely. This term has at least three different understandings, which frequently overlap. First, in very
Renaissance of the New Right in Germany?
A Discussion of New Right Elements in German Right-wing Extremism Today
The German New Right and Its Think Tanks
terms to merit such a draconian measure. 2 Recognizing their intellectual failings, in the mid-1970s some in Germany's far right began an intellectual transformation under the influence of the French Nouvelle Droite (New Right), but also guided by the
Reading the New Right
's Aspects of the New Right-Wing Extremism , a lecture that the German philosopher and social critic delivered at the University of Vienna two years before his sudden death in 1969, immediately placed eighth following its publication by Suhrkamp in mid July
Pluralism, Governance, and the New Right in German Memory Politics
state support. This dominant governance framework in the memory field means that particularly representatives of victims of Communist repression have felt sidelined and underrepresented—and this has created strategic openings for the new right
The 'Christmas Tree' and 'Santa Claus' on New Year's Eve in Turkey
The Santa Claus figure, the Christmas tree and decorations that are associated with this Christian holiday have been adopted by liberal consumers in Turkey, a Muslim country. These Turks envisage Santa Claus, in his trademark red suit, as a gift bearer on the occasion of New Year's Eve. This societal development has consolidated the cultural distance not only between the upper and lower classes but also between the established middle class and the flourishing, new conservative middle class. In protest, the religiously conservative have produced sombre 'alternative gatherings' to remind Turks of their Muslim heritage.
Thomas Klikauer, Norman Simms, Helge F. Jani, Bob Beatty, and Nicholas Lokker
Jay Julian Rosellini , The German New Right: AfD, pegida and the Re-imagining of National Identity (London: C. Hurst, 2019). Perhaps the ideological messenger of the recent rise of Germany's new right has indeed been Thilo Sarrazin and
“We Must Talk about Cologne”
Race, Gender, and Reconfigurations of “Europe”
justice would further require the thinking of Europe as an affective orientation—not as an identity, but as an ongoing project of world-making. The call to revisit or reclaim “European” values cannot succeed here. Nor can a response to the new right (or
After the commons—commoning!
-à-vis others, blacks, Jews, gypsies, and refugees, and join in commoning exercises under the sign of the new Right? I guess for many progressives in the United States, this is not a logical possibility because the Right is not about commoning or the commons but
Hilary Silver, Jeffrey Luppes, Joyce Mushaben, Ambika Natarajan, Helge F. Jani, Darren O'Byrne, Christopher Thomas Goodwin, and Stephen J. Silvia
identified by Großbölting toppled over an already wobbly tower of Christianity that once stood so prominently in Germany. While the effects are apparent, the causes remain befuddling. Hans Vorländer, Maik Herold, and Steven Schäller, PEGIDA and New
Deterritorialized Wars of Public Safety
Loader concludes his analysis of the trend in Britain and elsewhere toward private security systems by suggesting that “the value of other more deliberative ways of addressing the crime question and structuring the relationship between the police and the ‘publics’ they serve; ways that seek to subject ‘consumer’ demands for particular kinds of policing and security to the test of public discourse oriented to the common good, and so temper with democratic reason the passions that consumer culture threatens to unleash” (1999: 389). The privatization of public services and the undermining of professionalism have taken hold in many countries on the advice of international monetary agencies. In New Zealand, a provincial reading of new right philosophy within the close-knit circle of the New Zealand Business Roundtable generated a power lobby group that served as a conduit for free market libertarian ideas. This article traces the response to these trends as a measure of the strength of civil society and public life in Auckland City, with a specific focus on the resistance by the New Zealand firefighters to restructuring and downsizing the fire service.