’atteinte des Objectifs de développement durable (ODD) fixés en 2015 par l’Organisation des nations unies (ONU). Le succès qu’enregistreront les ODD sera avant tout une question de volonté politique et citoyenne de la part de l’ensemble des acteurs concernés
Vers la réduction des inégalités croissantes?
This article is a feminist theoretical examination of the nexus between migrants’ health and gender and attempts to fill the gap between existing gendered health and migration policies. Gender-specific challenges faced by female migrants include poor sexual and reproductive health rights, infant mortality, nutritional disorders, and violence. Non-communicable diseases provoke interruption of care in the absence of suitable health care systems and services. As policy makers struggle to develop suitable migration policies, the needs of women often fall through the cracks. Major findings are that migration policy design from micro to macro levels does not align with ratified international protocols on health, resulting in multiple vulnerabilities of female migrants. The study concludes that bilateral migration policy agreements should be comprehensive, binding, gender-sensitive, and participatory.
Este es un examen teórico feminista del nexo entre salud de los migrantes y género, e intenta llenar el vacío entre las políticas existentes de salud y migración de género. Las mujeres migrantes enfrentan desafíos específicos de género incluyendo limitados derechos de salud sexual y reproductiva, mortalidad infantil, trastornos nutricionales y violencia. Las necesidades de las mujeres a menudo se quedan atrás en el desarrollo de políticas de migración adecuadas. Los principales hallazgos son que el diseño de la política de migración de los niveles micro a macro no se alinea con los protocolos internacionales de salud ratificados, resultando en múltiples vulnerabilidades de mujeres migrantes. El estudio concluye que los acuerdos de política bilateral de migración deben ser integrales, vinculantes, sensible al género y participativos.
Cet article théorique examine, dans une perspective féministe, les liens entre la santé des migrants et le genre et tente de combler le fossé entre les politiques migratoires et de santé. Les défis spécifiques des femmes migrantes incluent l'accès à la santé sexuelle et reproductive, la mortalité infantile, les troubles nutritionnels et la violence. Leurs besoins sont souvent omis dans l'élaboration des politiques migratoires. Cet article montre que la conception de la politique migratoire à partir d'une échelle micro vers un niveau macro ne correspond pas aux protocoles internationaux ratifiés sur la santé, ce qui entraîne de multiples vulnérabilités des femmes migrantes. Il conclut que les accords bilatéraux en matière de migration doivent être exhaustifs, contraignants, sensibles au genre et participatifs.
Operationalizing a 'Right' to Health
In a perusal of literature on ‘the commons’, it is striking how rarely medicine and health services are mentioned as potential commons. Nor is the concept of the commons discussed in medical and health journals, where database searches turn up only the odd article using the term in a title or abstract. This essay evolved as an inquiry into what benefit might be gained from conceiving of a health commons.
It is said that Sartre maintained a certain opposition to post-structuralism, for which his focus on a dialectical understanding of historical praxis is considered evidence. Yet he rarely discussed post-structuralism, nor engaged it in debate; which is odd, since it formed part of his philosophical milieu. After all, he took on Marxism and Christianity. But to debate post-structuralism would mean addressing its view of the world, thereby assuming it actually had one. Perhaps he saw that to address it as an ideology, a view of the world, rather than a critique of discursivity itself, would be to transform it into what it was not, against itself.
Rikki Dean, Jean-Paul Gagnon, and Hans Asenbaum
What is democratic theory? The question is surprisingly infrequently posed. Indeed, the last time this precise question appears in the academic archive was exactly forty years ago, in James Alfred Pennock’s (1979) book Democratic Political Theory. This is an odd discursive silence not observable in other closely aligned fields of thought such as political theory, political science, social theory, philosophy, economic theory, and public policy/administration – each of which have asked the “what is” question of themselves on regular occasion. The premise of this special issue is, therefore, to pose the question anew and break this forty-year silence.
Racialized Girlhood, Behavioral Diagnosis, and California's Foster Care System
Isabella C. Restrepo
Scholars of the welfare system have explored the racialized criminalization of mothers of color who are punished by the foster care system, through control of their children, when they are unable to meet the ideals of middle-class motherhood but have yet to fully articulate a language to understand the ways in which this criminalization and punishment extends to youth once they are placed in the foster care system. Using ethnographic interviews with agents of the care system, I explore the ways in which the system pathologizes Latinas’ quotidian acts of resistance and survival like their use of silences through the behavioral diagnosis of Oppositional Defiant Disorder (ODD). I argue that California’s foster care system is an arm of the transcarceral continuum, marking girls of color and their strategies of resistance as pathological, thereby criminalizing them through the diagnosis of behavioral disorders.
Dorothy Richardson's Oberland
Oberland has typically been viewed as an odd interlude in Dorothy Richardson's novel sequence Pilgrimage. Depicting a fortnight spent in the Swiss Alps, it focuses on the experience and influence of travel and new surroundings, celebrating a state of intense wonder—“the strange happiness of being abroad.” This article argues that reading Oberland within the tradition of travel writing rather than the novel improves our understanding of the volume's distinctiveness as well as themes central to the whole of Pilgrimage—in particular those of wonder and “privileged sight,” faculties that, it is suggested, are essential to the artistic temperament. Concerned less with the protagonist's inner life and more with her immediate experience of place, Oberland may be distinct from the rest of Pilgrimage, but not from modernist travel narratives. This article considers the implications of such genre distinctions for Richardson's text and what it means for her protagonist Miriam's development toward artisthood.
Suzanne Graham and Victoria Graham
English abstract: Apart from Mauritius, five of the six African small island developing States (ASIDS) are relatively new to democracy with several only transitioning from one-party states to multiparty states in the early 1990s. Goals 13 and 14 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are priority goals for the ASIDS. Given that one of the key tests of a healthy democracy is the depth of civil society, this article seeks to examine the quality of political participation in the ASIDS in relation to these two priority SDGs. In so doing, this article considers conventional and nonconventional forms of participation and the potential impact these different avenues for a public “voice” might or might not have on the ASIDS’ government management of climate change and marine resources.
Spanish abstract: Excepto Mauritius, los otros cinco pequeños estados insulares africanos en desarrollo (ASIDS en inglés) recién incursionan en la democracia; algunos de ellos transitan de estados con un solo partido a estados múlti-partidistas a principios de los años noventa. Los objetivos 13 y 14 de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sustentable (ODS) son prioritarios para los ASIDS. Considerando que una prueba de democracia sana es una sociedad civil robusta, este artículo examina la calidad de la participación política en los ASIDS en relación con estos dos ODS. El artículo considera las formas convencionales y no convencionales de participación y el impacto potencial que estas distintas vías de “voz” pública pueda tener en el manejo del cambio climático y los recursos marinos de las ASIDS.
French abstract: A l’exception de l’île Maurice, cinq des six petits états îles en dévelopement (PEID) d’Afrique sont relativement nouveaux en matière de démocratie dans la mesure où certains ont uniquement transité du parti unique au multipartisme au début des années 90. Treize des quatorze ODD sont prioritaires pour les PEID. En partant du constat qu’une des preuves clefs d’une démocratie saine réside dans l’amplitude de la société civile, cet article cherche à examiner la qualité de la participation politique dans les PEID en relation avec deux ODD prioritaires. Ainsi, l’article considère des formes de participation conventionnelles et non conventionnelles ainsi que leur impact potentiel sur une expression publique en particulier, à savoir l’existence d’une gestion gouvernementale des PEID d’Afrique en matière de changement climatique et de ressources marines.
Une sociologie d’État
It is traditional to discuss the relation between Durkheim and Weber as ‘founders of sociology’. At first sight, it might seem odd to couple Durkheim and Hegel. But it can be instructive to compare their approach to issues involving modern individualism, society and the state. In general, they subscribe to a combination of rationalism and developmental ethics, in which the rational is immanent in the real, despite the possibility of ‘contingent’ or ‘pathological’ departures from ‘normality’. More specifically, in the case of the state, they see one of its main historical roles as the emancipation of the individual in a development of the individual personality. At the same time they picture the state as ‘the brain’ of society and insist on its relative autonomy and independence from individuals. Instead, in a critique of direct democracy, they look to a web of intermediate groups and corporations. A basic problematic in their work, and a continuing source of reflection, is how to achieve a balance between individual rights and a necessary authority and legitimacy of public power. In both cases this balance rests, as a matter of principle, on confidence in the skills and civic virtue of political leaders.
When I was thinking of going to law school, I went to speak with a law professor at the university where I had done my PhD. ‘Well, Mr. Rosen,’ he said, ‘the thing about law school is it will teach you how to think.’ I kept waiting for the other shoe to drop: think about law, think like a lawyer. No, he meant think – period. With all due humility, I was at that time coming from the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, NJ, and should like to imagine that I had actually learned a few things while doing my doctorate at his own university. In the forty years since, while serving as an adjunct professor of law and visiting professor at several such institutions, I have also encountered the occasional law scholar who, in a moment of academic noblesse oblige, has regarded my anthropology credentials as quaint but insufficient evidence that one has the tough-minded capacity that flows from a legal education. The lawyers may pay some attention to a few other disciplines, but, even though they may have given in to the allure of economics and bolstered their intellectual self-image with the odd philosopher or historian, the question remains why the law schools still tend to regard anthropology as almost entirely irrelevant.