The success of the Five Star Movement, with its anti-political and populist challenge to the establishment, did not lead to multipolar competition. Rather, it furthered a moderate bipolar party system dynamic between the center-left and center-right. Although it lost millions of votes, the center-right fared relatively well, allowing Silvio Berlusconi to regain a relevant position in the party-political game. Although stripped of his seat and expelled from the Chamber following a tax fraud conviction, Berlusconi realized, thanks also to the election of centrist Matteo Renzi as the new secretary of the Democratic Party (PD), that it would suit him better to moderate his claims. This new development may lead to an unexpected alliance between the PD and Berlusconi's revived personal party, Forza Italia, and may perhaps result in regaining the electorate lost to the M5S.
Trump, Le Pen, and the New Normal
movements as the demise of the political party as a key institution of democratic political life, part of the tectonic change in institutional frameworks that we associate with the changing nature of the state in an age of globalization. Donald Trump won the
This article offers a corrective to the notion that German ordoliberal ideology is the key to understanding German policy behavior during the Eurocrisis and, by extension, to the contours of the electoral debate in fall 2013. First, it shows that ordoliberal thought underdetermines policy choices. That is, different actors clearly influenced by ordoliberal thinking and often stressing different aspects of the broader ordoliberal cannon are arguing for more or less diametrically opposed policy solutions. Second, the article provides evidence that this deep divide inside the ordoliberal policy community has contributed additional incentives to the tentative and inconclusive policy choices of the government throughout much of the Eurocrisis. Third, the article extends the analysis of this very cautious policymaking into the campaign phase and the subsequent coalition agreement. It explains why the two major German parties—including an SPD with a much thinner attachment than the CDU to ordoliberalism—sought to play down the Eurocrisis in their campaigns and in their subsequent coalition agreement. One implication is the low probability of German policy change despite ideological differences.
The relatively new party known as the Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland, AfD) and its relationship to right-wing extremism has been the subject of a great deal of intensive discussion among political and social scientists. While
Anxiety about the party form casts a long shadow over various currents of radical political theory. This anxiety is rooted in historical experiences and legacies not only among long-established communist and socialist parties in Europe but also
Stacy M. K. George
Nearly a decade since its emergence on the political scene in the United States, the Tea Party has left a notable impact on contemporary American politics. In April 2009, three months after the establishment of a progressive federal administration
Populist Competitors in Eastern Germany
only did a populist radical right party gained representation in the Bundestag for the first time in Germany’s postwar history, the AfD’s 12.6 percent of the vote placed it as the third largest party in parliament and—given the Social Democratic Party’s
Ofer Kenig, Michael Philippov and Gideon Rahat
Party membership is in decline in Israel. This article analyzes the main characteristics of party members in three of the largest parties in Israel: Kadima, Likud, and Labor. Party members in Israel share similar features with party members in other countries: they are older, economically better off than the average voter, they are more highly educated than an average voter, and they are more likely to be male than female. This comparison between the members population and the voters population also demonstrates that Arabs are over-represented in Kadima and Labor while religious people are over-represented in Kadima and especially Likud. Most party members claim that ideological motivations led them to join a particular party, yet they suspect that the other members are motivated by more instrumental reasons. They expect the party to act cohesively but at the same time clearly support deeper intraparty democratization. They are also rather passive, hardly engaging in party activities.
Unexpected Democracydeepening Consequences of One-party Dominance in South Africa
Heidi Leigh Matisonn
It might be claimed that something approaching a broad consensus has emerged in political science that democracy, in any operationally viable form, entails a multi-party system. However, in recent times the notion that this view is fully captured by a narrowly instrumentalist party-political model has been challenged. It is argued that while parties are widely accepted as a democratic compromise—a necessary mechanism for representation in contemporary democracies— insufficient consideration is given to the possibility that parties may also serve to compromise democracy by alienating citizens from government.
The establishment of the Likud party in the fall of 1973 proved to be a highly significant event. The new party became the novel political platform that would bring Menachem Begin into government, and it would play a key role in the creation of a