There were probably close to ten thousand tracts, fliers, and leaflets written and distributed in French cities in May-June 1968, part of the sudden explosion of speech (“la parole”) in the public space. Both the quantity of political speech in all walks of life—not just among students—and its subject (transforming society) point to a revolutionary wish, whether openly stated in serious, often Marxist, language or implicitly expressed through satire, play, and derision. Thousands of impassioned leaflets call for the profound transformation of social relations in the workplace and ultimately for the abolition of capitalism; many others use various forms of mockery to subvert established authority, which, in that political context, amounted to the same thing. This remarkable mass of literature suggests that—contrary to revisionist views of “Mai” now widely aired in France—May '68 was revolutionary at heart.
Lacan and the Satirists
nuanced and theoretically advanced approach to the analysis of graphic political satire than has been offered hitherto. It does this by expanding the scope of its analysis to encompass the fullest understanding of the concept of language: of the word that
A Feminist Reading of Arab Shakespeare Appropriations
Safi M. Mahfouz
intimidated and depoliticised Arab masses and consequently incite political change. The Arab portion of the Global Shakespeare canon includes bitter political satires aimed at tortuously criticising some authoritarian regimes in the region. Mahmoud Al
How Satire Framed Liberal Political Debate in Nineteenth-Century France
Amy Wiese Forbes
This article discusses political satire under the July Monarchy. It analyzes how the question of satire's political meaning was generated and framed in the 1830s as debate over abstract rights under the new, supposedly more liberal government of the July Monarchy. Following the Revolution of 1830, lithographic satire became connected conceptually to political conspiracy and was argued to be harmful to the new regime. State institutions, including the police, the courts, and the National Assembly, attempted to understand and define satire politically. The effort to evaluate satire's potential harm to the state shaped French liberalism into a contest between rights to free speech and protection from harm. This process was part of a broader struggle to construct legitimate authority in France.
The preparation of European Comic Art 8(1) has been overshadowed by the shocking and tragic murder of Charlie Hebdo cartoonists Cabu, Charb, Honoré, Tignous and Wolinski on 7 January 2015. As a way of memorialising these artists, we have invited Jane Weston Vauclair to contribute an article to this issue, assessing the significance of the magazine in the history and current state of French social and political satire. Indeed, beyond doubt is the iconic status of Charlie Hebdo as representing a distinctively French, but known to an international readership, tradition of disrespect for the sacred and the hypocritical, and for beaufitude in all its forms. However, the very untranslatability of that term, invented by Cabu, suggests that comic art, and perhaps satire in particular, may not always travel easily across borders. Mark McKinney has argued in his blog post on the Berghahn Books website2 that the meanings of the Charlie cartoons are far from transparent and universally readable, but have to be understood within a particular cultural and political context and reference system.
Jane F. Hacking, Jeffrey S. Hardy, and Matthew P. Romaniello
final point of emphasis for all four articles is that the Russian imperial construction of Asia was firmly embedded within broader European political and scientific frameworks. The discourses of ethnography and political satire were pan-European, with
have brought the same set of visual references. The explosion of political satire may well have fostered a sense of collective national identity, but any attempt to decode the sometimes ambiguous ‘ideology’ of the satirists’ work has to grapple with
Mike Classon Frangos
. As the research of my Swedish colleagues makes clear, the use of political satire in feminist comics raises broader theoretical questions about the work of critique and critical reading. 11 How can we understand comics as a medium for the critique of
prepared to mock British nationalism (or would have any such cartoon published, Fig. 10 ). Figure 10. Livestock , 36. British nationalist clickbait. © Hannah Berry. Reproduced with kind permission of the artist. This is the kind of political
Qihao Ji and Arthur A. Raney
two films represent two subgenres of documentary-style fiction—political satire/critical reflexivity and “pure” entertainment ( Hight 2010 )—we argue that testing our model with both films enhances the generalizability of our results. Measures