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Pablo Facundo Escalante

“Our discipline works under a tacit presupposition of teleology .” —Reinhart Koselleck At the end of the nineteenth century, republicanism became the mythomoteur on which France’s identity was shaped throughout the following century. Back then, the

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Manjeet Ramgotra

Republicanism is generally said to promote virtue and equal political participation, yet many historical republics and republican theories endorse the hierarchical political participation of the upper and lower social classes and recommend a centralised executive power. Republican constitutions incorporate the authority of the nobles, the freedom of the people and the political power of one man. Cicero formulates this understanding of the republic, which endures in the ideas of Machiavelli and Montesquieu. I characterise this school of thought as conservative because it promotes the preservation of the social hierarchy, private property and stability. Moreover, it harnesses change by advancing a policy of expansion. I challenge the mainstream Cambridge School interpretation by tracing the trajectory of conservative republican ideas in the thought of Cicero, Machiavelli and Montesquieu. Few interpretations relate the republicanism of these three thinkers to each other, hence this reading contributes a new way of thinking about republicanism.

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Francisco A. Ortega

became sites of popular empowerment and platforms for a new kind of popular republicanism. 95 With them politics changed radically and, from the perspective of Conservatives, only for the worse. Democratic empowerment led artisans to challenge standing

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Intellectual History, Liberty and Republicanism

An Interview with Quentin Skinner

Javier Fernández Sebastián and Quentin Skinner

Quentin Skinner was interviewed by Javier Fernández Sebastián (Universidad del País Vasco, Spain) at the Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, Madrid, on March 29, 2006. This interview has appeared in Spanish translation in Historia y Política 16: 237-258 (2006).

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“Algeria for the Algerians”

Public Education and Settler Identity in the Early Third Republic

Kyle Francis

—took shape in circuit between France and Algeria. 9 Although settlers adopted and adapted many aspects of metropolitan political culture, they championed a nationalist and xenophobic brand of anticlerical republicanism that was inclusive of Algerian

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Where Only Wind Was Once Sown

The Tradition of Republicanism and the Agrarian Question in Brazil

Heloisa Maria Murgel Starling

The article traces the reception of different strands of Republicanism in Brazil. French republicanism inspired authors such as Euclides da Cunha in his realization that a true Brazilian republic would only be achieved with the inclusion of its vast interior and its destitute population. But the reception of republicanism in Brazil also drew from Anglo-Saxon sources, which resulted also in an emphasis on the political nature of the community. American republicanism, with its conception of territorial expansion, land possession, and active economic participation added a further dimension to Brazilian republicanism. In particular, Teofilo Otoni's attempt to create a political community in the Mucury Valley was modeled after the ideals of American republicanism. Even if the Brazilian republicanism that emerged from the reception of these strands failed to impose its agenda over the political mainstream, it provided a unifying ideology for the opposition throughout the Second Empire and the First Republic, and still constitutes a source of inspiration for political reform and criticism.

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Between Resistance and the State

Caribbean Activism and the Invention of a National Memory of Slavery in France

Itay Lotem

resistance within the context of twenty-first-century republicanism. This particular case illustrates the way new anti-racist groups mobilized the memory of slavery to articulate a new kind of black identity in France. This article therefore complements the

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Science, Customs, and the Modern Subject

From Emulation to Education in the Semantics of Spanish Enlightenment

Pablo Sánchez León

): 267–290. 53 His reception of republicanism was not a complete novelty and drew on previous developments. Republican rhetoric had first appeared in the Spanish public sphere in the aftermath of the 1766 revolt, paradoxically sponsored by the Count of

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John Shovlin Reimagining Politics After the Terror: The Republican Origins of French Liberalism by Andrew Jainchill

Jann Matlock The Great Stink of Paris and the Nineteenth-Century Struggle against Filth and Germs by David S. Barnes

Christine Haynes The New Bibliopolis: French Book Collectors and the Culture of Print, 1880-1914 by Willa Z. Silverman

Caroline Ford An Empire Divided: Religion, Republicanism, and the Making of French Republicanism, 1880–1914 by J. P. Daughton

Martha Hanna Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914-1918 by Richard S. Fogarty

Harry Gamble The Moroccan Soul: French Education, Colonial Ethnology, and Muslim Resistance, 1912-1956 by Spencer D. Segalla

Julian Wright Shades of Indignation: Political Scandals in France, Past and Present by Paul Jankowski

Clifford Rosenberg Liberté, égalité, discriminations: L’‘Identité nationale’ au regard de l’histoire by Patrick Weil

Cheryl B. Welch Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy by Cécile Laborde

Katherine C. Donahue Judging Mohammed: Juvenile Delinquency, Immigration, and Exclusion at the Paris Palace of Justice by Susan J. Terrio

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The Moral Rearmament of France

Pierre Nora, Memory, and the Crises of Republicanism

Ben Mercer

The article traces the transformation of the idea of memory in the writings of Pierre Nora. His multi-volume Les Lieux de mémoire is read as a response to historiographical and historical crises of the 1970s, an attempt to write the history of France in which memory served as the new basis of national unity. However, the new national synthesis of memory that emerged merely resembled a liberal republicanism, whose enemies were variously immigrants, multiculturalists, neo-nationalists, dissenters from the anti-totalitarian consensus, or anyone who emphasized Vichy or France's colonial past. Ultimately, memory proved no more capable of dealing with the troublesome aspects of historical narrative or memory than traditional history.